結構人類學（全二冊） Anthropologie Structurale
作者：[法]克洛德‧列維-斯特勞斯（Claude Levi-Strauss）
譯者：張祖建
出版社：中國人民大學出版社 2006
本書是作者多年來所發表的文章的合輯，代表了作者在人類學研究中最重要的成就。
這些文章的選取和安排都是為了讓不熟悉人類學的讀者能夠對這門學科的問題獲得一個框架式的認識，而且，通過幾個有代表性的例子，介紹了人類學的發展方向和 能夠解決的問題本書討論了民族學與歷史學的關系，美洲印地安人社會的習俗和制度，人類學與語言學及心理學的關系，考察了人類學在社會科學整體中的地位，人 類學的教學問題。闡釋了這個學科的過去和將來，界定了人類學的工作領域，描繪了它所提出的問題的前景。
目錄
結構人類學（1）
序
第一部分 語言與親屬關系
第一章 緒論︰歷史學與民族學
第二章 語言學和人類學中的結構分析
第三章 語言和社會
第四章 語言學與人類學
第五章 第三章和第四章的跋語
第二部分 社會組織
第六章 民族學中的遠古性概念
第七章 巴西中部和東部的社會結構
第八章 有二元組織這回事嗎？
第三部分 巫術與宗教
第九章 巫師與巫術
第十章 象征的效力
第十一章 神話的結構
第十二章 結構與辯證法
第四部分 藝術
第十三章 亞洲和美洲藝術中的裂分表現方法*
第十四章 一條體內充滿魚的蛇
第五部分 關于方法和教學的問題
第十五章 民族學中的結構概念
第十六章 第十五章的跋語
第十七章 人類學在社會科學中的地位及其教學問題
參考文獻
索引
插圖目錄
*《面具之道》首章的參考文章 文末談到台灣發現的"台東的吐舌人像及其在太平洋區的類緣"
結構人類學（2）
第一部分 展望
第一章 人類學的領域
第二章 關于人的科學的奠基人讓雅克‧盧梭
第三章 迪爾凱姆對民族學的貢獻
第四章 美國民族學研究署的工作和教訓
第五章 無文字民族的宗教之比較
第二部分 社會組織
第六章 關于模型的概念︰意義和運用
第七章 關于親屬關系的原子的思考
第三部分 神話和儀式
第八章 結構和形式:關于弗‧普羅普的一部著作的思考
第九章 阿斯迪瓦爾的武功歌
第十章 溫內巴戈神話四則
第十一章 星球的性別
第十二章 文化中的蘑菇
第十三章 相鄰民族的儀式和神話之間的對稱關系
第十四章 神話是怎樣消亡的
第四部分 人文主義和人文學科
第十五章 對幾份問卷調查的答復
一 三種人文主義
二 結構主義和文學批評
三 從一場回顧展談起
四 1985年的藝術
五 都市文明與精神健康
六 我們這個時代的見證
第十六章 社會學科和人文學科中的科學標準
第十七章 文化的非連續性與經濟和社會的發展
一 民族志和歷史學面臨的文化非連續性問題
二 抵制發展的三個原因
第十八章 種族與歷史
一 種族與文化
二 文化的多樣性
三 種族中心主義
四 遠古文化和原始文化
五 進步的概念
六 靜止的歷史和累積的歷史
七 西方文明的地位
八 偶然性與文明
九 文化之間的合作
十 進步的雙重含義
參考文獻
索引
插圖目錄
譯後記
序
第一部分 語言與親屬關系
第一章 緒論︰歷史學與民族學
第二章 語言學和人類學中的結構分析
第三章 語言和社會
第四章 語言學與人類學
第五章 第三章和第四章的跋語
第二部分 社會組織
第六章 民族學中的遠古性概念
第七章 巴西中部和東部的社會結構
第八章 有二元組織這回事嗎？
第三部分 巫術與宗教
第九章 巫師與巫術
第十章 象征的效力
第十一章 神話的結構
第十二章 結構與辯證法
第四部分 藝術
第十三章 亞洲和美洲藝術中的裂分表現方法*
第十四章 一條體內充滿魚的蛇
第五部分 關于方法和教學的問題
第十五章 民族學中的結構概念
第十六章 第十五章的跋語
第十七章 人類學在社會科學中的地位及其教學問題
參考文獻
索引
插圖目錄
*《面具之道》首章的參考文章 文末談到台灣發現的"台東的吐舌人像及其在太平洋區的類緣"
結構人類學（2）
第一部分 展望
第一章 人類學的領域
第二章 關于人的科學的奠基人讓雅克‧盧梭
第三章 迪爾凱姆對民族學的貢獻
第四章 美國民族學研究署的工作和教訓
第五章 無文字民族的宗教之比較
第二部分 社會組織
第六章 關于模型的概念︰意義和運用
第七章 關于親屬關系的原子的思考
第三部分 神話和儀式
第八章 結構和形式:關于弗‧普羅普的一部著作的思考
第九章 阿斯迪瓦爾的武功歌
第十章 溫內巴戈神話四則
第十一章 星球的性別
第十二章 文化中的蘑菇
第十三章 相鄰民族的儀式和神話之間的對稱關系
第十四章 神話是怎樣消亡的
第四部分 人文主義和人文學科
第十五章 對幾份問卷調查的答復
一 三種人文主義
二 結構主義和文學批評
三 從一場回顧展談起
四 1985年的藝術
五 都市文明與精神健康
六 我們這個時代的見證
第十六章 社會學科和人文學科中的科學標準
第十七章 文化的非連續性與經濟和社會的發展
一 民族志和歷史學面臨的文化非連續性問題
二 抵制發展的三個原因
第十八章 種族與歷史
一 種族與文化
二 文化的多樣性
三 種族中心主義
四 遠古文化和原始文化
五 進步的概念
六 靜止的歷史和累積的歷史
七 西方文明的地位
八 偶然性與文明
九 文化之間的合作
十 進步的雙重含義
參考文獻
索引
插圖目錄
譯後記
序
我打算本書一開篇就援引讓‧布庸（Jean
Pouillon）在他最近撰寫的一篇論文里的一句話。我希望他不要抱怨我，因為這句話令人激賞，它恰好反映了我一度亟盼能夠在科學領域里做到的一切，而
且我時常捫心自問是否確實都做到了。這句話是︰“固然，列維一斯特勞斯並不是頭一個，也不是唯一的一個強調社會現象的結構性特點的人，他的獨創性在于認真
地對待它，而且義無反顧地深入追究其全部後果。”
假如本書能夠使其他讀者得出相同的評價，我就心滿意足了。
本書所匯集的17+18 篇文章是從我近30年來撰寫的上百篇論文中挑選出來的。那些文章有些已經散逸，有些還是被人忘記的好。我在那些似乎還值得保存的作品當中 做了挑選，舍棄了純屬民族志和描寫性的作品，以及另外一些雖有理論價值，但已經收入《憂郁的熱帶》（Tristes Tropiques）一書的文章。有兩篇論文屬首次發表（第五章和第十六章），連同其余15篇，我覺得恰好可以說明什麼是人類學中的結構方法。
在籌備這本文集的過程中，我遇到了一個困難，這是應當提請讀者注意的。這里的好幾篇論文本來都是直接用英文寫成的，因此不得不翻譯。然而，在從事這項工作 的過程中，用不同語言構思的文章在語氣和寫作方面的差異令我印象深刻。我擔心由此產生的某種雜糅性會影響這本書的均衡感和整體感。
這種差異無疑能夠部分地從社會學原因得到解釋。因為，依照我們面對的是法語讀者還是盎格魯薩克遜語言的讀者之不同，我們的思考和闡述的方式也不一樣。不 過，這中間還有個人方面的原因。我多年使用英語從事教學，可是無論我對此已經多麼習慣，我的用法仍然不對，而且被限制在單一的語體當中。用英語寫作的時 候，我能夠用英語思考；但是，我只能運用我所掌握的語言手段說出我所能說，而不能說出我所想說，雖然對這一點我並非總是有意識。我之所以一邊將自己親手寫 的文章適譯成法文，一邊卻產生一種怪怪的感覺，就是出于這個原因。鑒于讀者也極有可能產生這種不過癮的感覺，所以有必要把個中緣由交待清楚。
為了解決上述困難，我試著采取了一種靈活的翻譯方法，對有些段落做出了扼要概括，對另一些段落則進一步發揮。那幾篇最初用法文寫成的文章也做了輕微的改動。最後，出于答復批評、修正謬誤和吸納新的事實的需要，我還增添了一些注解，散見于本書各處。
巴黎，1957年11月1日
----
2011.3.18
La Voie des masques (1972, The Way of the Masks, trans. Sylvia Modelski, 1982)
面具的奧祕 上海文藝出版社 1992
有PDF 檔
《面具的奧秘》原名《面具之道》(中國人民大學的版本2008採用的書名)，是他在戰後所寫的一部專門研究北美印第安人面具、神話與其民族遷移史的關係的書。
列維-施特勞斯是法國著名結構主義人類學家，曾絕響一時，其影響所及，跨越了人類學、民俗學、神話學、歷史學、語言學諸學科。
Claude Lévi-Strauss (French pronunciation: [klod levi stʁos]; (28 November 1908 – 30 October 2009)[1][2][3] was a French anthropologist and ethnologist, and has been called the "father of modern anthropology".[4]
頁181:JURATA FIDELITATE AB OMNIBUS REGNI PRINCIPIBUS
*** 奇怪的一篇待考之摘錄
[10] ... through the years, my sentiment ... was undermined by a lingering uneasiness: this art posed a problem to me which I could not resolve. Certain masks, all of the same type, were disturbing because of the way they were made. Their stye, their shape was strange, their plastic justification escaped me....
[11-12]Much bigger than life-size, these masks are round at the top, but their sides, which curve inward at first, are then drawn together, becoming parallel or even oblique; the remaining third of the mask thus takes on the rough shape of a rectangle, or an upside down trapezium. At the lowest extremity, the small base is perfectly horizontal, as if the design had been sawn off in mid-course, representing a sagging lower jaw in the middle of which hangs a large tongue, which is either carved in bas-relief or painted red. The upper jaw protrudes about one third of the way up the mask. Immediately above this, the nose, which is sometimes indicated in rough outline or may even be absent, is most often replaced by a very prominent bird head with half-open or closed beak; two or three additional heads rise like horns on top of the mask. ...the general configuration remains the same, as does that of the eyes, consisting of two wood cylinders, either carved into the mass or added on and made to bulge powerfully out of the orbits.
Looking at these masks, I was ceaselessly asking myself the same questions. Why this unusual shape, so ill-adapted to their function? Of course, I was seeing them incomplete because in the old days they were topped by a crown of swan or golden eagle feathers (the former entirely white, the latter white-tipped) intermingled with some thin reeds adorned with "snowballs" of down that quivered with every movement of the wearer. Furthermore, the lower part of the mask rested on a big collarette made in earlier times of stiff plumes, and more recently, of embroidered cloth. But these trimmings, which may be seen in old photographs, rather accentuate the strangeness of the mask without shedding any light on its mysterious aspects: why the gaping mouth, the flabby lower jaw exhibiting an enormous tongue? Why the bird heads.which have no obvious connection with the rest and are most incongruously placed? Why the protruding eyes, which are the unvarying trait of all the types? Finally, why the quasi-demonic style resembling nothing else in the neighboring cultures, or even in the culture that gave it birth?
Synthesis - RSL 8/28/2000[14- ] This type of mask is called Swaihwé, and is particular to a dozen groups Indians of Salish linguistic family, who occupied areas around the mouth of the Fraser River estuary on the mainland, and on the eastern part of Vancouver Island across the Strait of Georgia. In the Puget Sound region, the word sqwéqwé designates the potlatch. The costume associated with the mask was predominantly white, and the masked dancers used a special sistrum (rattle) made of scallop shells strung on a wooden ring. The masks and the right to wear them were a ceremonial properties of certain lineages. The masks were considered to bring luck and facilitate the acquisition of wealth. Vancouver Island and Puget Sound stories about the origin of the mask contained elements of rumbling or shaking of the earth. In the Fraser River delta, the story of the mask is related to a cure for convulsions. Boas compares the Vancouver Island versions of the stories and masks [Ref cited. Boas 1891-95,23-27,85-86 (Indianishe Sagen von der Nord-Pacifischen Kuste Amerikas. Berlin, A Asher; Curtis 1907-20, The North American Indian:IX,37-39] with mainland and Puget Sound versions (Lumni Sxoaxi). Through his study of the flow of plot elements within the texts, Lévi-Strauss ??? that the stories originated on the mainland, near the vicinity of Hope and Yale. Lévi-Strauss further finds a symbolic linkage (metaphorical affinity p. 34), which is expressed by the similarity between the protruding tongue of the mask and fish.
[Note aside 1: The mainland and Puget Sound stories concern people afflicted with sores on their bodies "His body game out a stinking smell and even his close relatives ran away from him." (p. 22) "sores broke out all over his body" (p. 26). In the Puget Sound "It was believed that any person who usurped the mask would get sores all over his face ... The spectators were not supposed to laugh at the sight of him, or else they too would become afflicted with sores on the body and the respiratory tract." (pp. 25-26) The acquisition of the mask cures the affliction.]
[Note aside 2: In the Squamish version, the Sxaixi masked person makes a lot of noise by dancing on the roof of the house.]
Lévi-Strauss also draws a connection between Coppers and the Swaihwé mask; similar both in shape and mythic origin (Lilloet, p. 35)
[93] When, from one group to another, the plastic form is preserved, the semantic function is inverted. On the other hand, when the semantic funcion is retained, it is the plastic form that is inverted.
[125]... the plastic features of masks carrying the same message are inverted ... when they pass from one population to its neighbor....Conversely, when the plastic elements remain unchanged as between the Salish Swaihwé and the Kwakiutl imitation under the name Xwéxwé, it is the messages that are then inverted.
[146] Even assuming the best conditions - that is, a still-living culture, with well preserved beliefs and practices - the study of the internal correlations between its mythology or art and all the rest would constitute an absolutely necessary preliminary, but it would not be sufficient. Once these local resources have been tapped, further efforts are required of the analyst. For these myths are in opposition to other myths which they contradict or transform, and it would be impossible to understand one without reference to the others - in the same way that nay utterance is explained in the words which do not precisely figure in it, since those used by the speaker derive their meaning and importance from the fact that they were chosen in preference to others that he might have used, and to which, in commenting on the utterance, it is therefore quite in order to refer.
[147-148] Along a stretch of nearly three thousand kilometers, ideological structures were built up compatible with the inherent constraints of their mental nature and which, in agreement with those constraints, encoded, as we say today, the givens of the environment and of history. These ideological structures incorporate the information with pre-existing paradigms and also generate new ones in the shape of mythic beliefs, ritual practices, and plastic works. Over this immense territory, these beliefs, practices, and works remain mutually congruent when they imitate one another, and even, perhaps above all, when they seem to be contradictory. For in both cases they equilibrate each other beyond the linguistic, cultural, and political frontiers whose transparency was proved by my whole argument, unless their always relative closure sets up a logical as well as historical constraint and marks the points at which inversions take place.
<[40-43] "The Kwakiutl linked the Xwéxwé masks with earthquakes. Their dance, wrote Boas, "is believed to shake the ground and to be a certain means of bringing back the hamatsa," that is, the new initiate to the highest ranking secret society, the Cannibals. During initiation, the novice became ferocious and wild and ran in the woods: the objective was to bring him back to reintegrate him in the village community. This association of the Xwéxwér; (or Swaihwé) with earthquakes... throws a curious light on the symbolism of the sistrums carried by the dancers... I draw attention to the way Plutarch explained the role of sistrums among the ancient Egyptians: "The sistrum ... makes it clear that all things in existence need to be shaken, or rattled about, and never to cease from motion but, as it were , to be waked up and agitated when they grow drowsy and torpid."
[43-45]
XXXX
[46-47 (see also 44-45) reference cited: Boas and Hunt, 1902-5, Kwakiutl texts, Memoirs of the American Museum of Natural History, v. 5. 236-239; Boas 1935a, 27-32, Kwakiutl Tales; New Series, Columbia University Contributions to Anthropology, vol. 26; 44-45
A third story features, apart from the Comox, two Kwakiutl groups related my marriage: the island Nimkish and just across from them on the mainland, the Koeksotenok. The Nimkish chief lived in Xulk, on the east coast of the island. One day, he started a discussion with his son-in-lay on the "good dance" of the Comox, that is the Swaihwé. This son-in-law had a brother whom he persuaded to wage war against the Comox in order to take possession of the dance. The young man embarked with one hundred vigorous warriors. When they arrived in sight of the Comox country, they heard the sound of thunder: it was the strangers who "were singing form the Xwéxwé." The troop disembarked at the other extremity of the bay, from which could be seen the dancers and clouds of eagle's down rising as high as the sky. After the dance, half of the ship's crew approached and the Comox sat them down and treated them to a feast. Again there was a roar of thunder and four masked dancers appeared, painted with ochre, covered with feathers, and in their hands holding rattles made of threaded scallop shells. The Comox chief harangued his visitors and granted them the right to perform the dance, and he also gave them a chest containing the masks with their accessories.
Between the island Salish and the Kwakiutl (of both the island and the mainland) there existed, therefore, a network of ambiguous relationships which could include everything from matrimonial alliance to war. In both cases, the masks and privileges attached to them were the objects of rivalries and trade, on the same basis as women, proper names, and foodstuffs. The Swaihwé or Xwéxwé mask in these tales, being excluded from the sacred winter rites, passes from the Salish to the Kwakiutl on the occasion of a warring expedition or a marriage; in this latter case, the transfer is made in the same direction as that of the bride. By contrast, as in integral part of the winter rites the Sisiutl mask goes in the reverse direction, from the Kwakiutl to the Comox, which is also what the young Comox bridegroom does when he settles down with his in-laws. Such stories undoubtedly originate from customs which once existed. Others obviously pertain to mythology.
[48-49] RSL Paraphrase: Red Codfish story; reference to stinginess means the opposite, "among the Salish, the Swaihwé masks have an opposite nature, they enrich those who own them or who have secured their service." Borrowed mask shows inversion of story.
[50] RSL Paraphrase: "A myth of the Tsmishian (northern neighbors of the mainland Kwakiutl) links the red scorpaenid to the origin of copper." i.e. riches
[54] "The Squamish (of the mainland coast, north of the Fraser)" .... "The hero managed to foil all the traps and he tronsformed the house into an enchnated rock within which he imprisoned his father-in-law. This rock exists: if one insults it, a storm breaks out and the culprit sinks with his boat."
...Here again, therefore, a hero, who elsewhere is the provider of the copper and who announces himself through his sunlike and metallic dazzle, is put in correlation with and opposition to the scorpaenids."...
...These partial and fragmentary indications, however, are not sufficient to understand that the Swaihwé masks, as I have observed, are brought by the Salish into direct relation with the acquisition of wealth; wheras, among the Kwakiutl directly and among the Tsimshian indirectly, the red scorpaenids - associated with the masks of the Kwakiutl -- fill an opposite function. And this, in spite of the fact that wherever the masks exist, their plastic characteristics remain the same, and the same affinity can be observed between them and earthquakes."
[p. 111; Tlingit myth see also 195] An incestuous brother and sister had to part. The brother became the Thunderbird who is responsible for hurricanes and tempests. Once a year, in the stormy season, he comes back to visit his sister. The latter... wnet underground at the top of a mountain. Since then, she has supported the column un which the earth rests; she like humans who make a fire to warm her, because each time she gets hungry, the ground shakes and humans burn grease to feed her. According to other versions, the quakes occur when she fights off Raven, the trickster, who to destroy men, jostels her and tries to make her lose her grip on the column supporting the earth.
[161] "The available native testimonials on the diffusion of the Swaihwé all suggest that the mask, staring from the middle Fraser, arrived on the coast in the last quarter of the eighteenth century. The various chronologies converge, but should one give them full credit?" ... [p. 227] It is more cautious to admit that the first origin of the Swaihwé and even its evolution in the recent past remain obscure.
[p. 201; Haida, Swanton 1905b: Haida Texts and Myths p. 150-159; 1909 Tlingit Texts and Myths p. 25] There was once a village by the sea. One day, some mysterious visitors came ashore; they had a magic broad hat thanks to whihc they could, at will, unleash marine cataclysms. Terrorized, the local population had to surrender a princess whom the chief wanted to marry. The travelers, with their prisoner, took to the open sea for an unknown desitnation. The young girl's parents were disonsolate, and the nother decided to set off in search of her daughter, accompanied by her husband's chief slave. For years, the ventured over the water, facing great perils, and they finally reached the outer confines of the ocean. They slipped under the rim of a celestial dome that was rising and falling in an incessant movement, and after clearing this last obstacle, they landed on the shoures of the beyond. There they met Property Woman carrying her child; she explained that the country's king had sequestered the young worman in a cave, and made her lose her mind. As a matter of fact, he was furious because his son had given his parents-in-law, as a wedding gift the magic headdress which he prized above all things. ...
A slave left to reconnoiter, found the captive's cell but failed to get her to react; she behaved like an imbecile. Then he made himself temporarily invisible and entered the abductors' dwelling. The converstaions he overheard revealed to him that they were a canibal people and that the sovereign would return her sanity to the young woman only in exchange for the precious hat.
The two visitors made their presence known; they were feted, then they returned to their country and related their adventures. It was decided to orgainize an expedition to liberate the captive, but at the time of departure, the latter's two brothers disappeared. They soon came back, married: the eldest to Mouse Woman (the customary intermediary, in the myths of this region, between the terrestrial world and the beyond), and the younger one to a creature who impressed in spite of her short stature: she was too powerful to look at, she was a woman who "goes by contraries." Let by Mouse Woman, the expedition reached its destination safely. The travellers were given a showy welcome, and they hastened to fill the house up to the very roof with shells. They had brought enormous quantities of shellls as spoons and that at the sight of new shells they were transported with admiration and covetousness. Finally, the magic headdress, main object of the dispute, was deposited on top of the shell heap.
They went to fetch the king of the country. The ground shook as he approached. His appearance was wonderful as he stood there, and his wide-open eyes were too powerful to look at. The ground started to shake again with each step he took. The younger son's wife was the only one who had enough magic power to sustain his glare. Thus foiled, the frightening personage merely retrieved his hat. The shalls were parcelled out, and the cured captive was returned to her parents. The king then started to dance, fell, and broke himself in two at the waist. Eagle feathers escaped from his buttocks and trunk; then, alternatively from each half of his body, were seen coming out his daughter-in-law's retinure whom he had devoured.
The next day, as they were saying goodbye, the king secretly confided to his daughter-in-law that he intended to be born again from her. As soon as she had given birth to him, sh should settle him in a cradle decorated with cumulous clouds. Back at the village, the young woman, indeed, did deliver an extrordinary chold"Something flat stuck out from his eyelids." He was placed in a cradle decorated with clouds, and he was abandoned in the high seas. The cradle and its content changed into a rocky reef. Since then, whenever the latter was seen in the morning surrounded by clouds, food would be plentiful; but if it was visible (meaning, probably, free of clouds) this would be an omen announcing that sickness was about to break out."
[p. 208; Gitskan, (Tsimshian)] The informants stresss the resemblance between the creature called Weneel and the Thunderbird.
Claude Levi-Strauss 1908- Link to short biography of Claude Lévi-Strauss
Jonaitis, Aldona, 1988, From the Land of the Totem Poles; The Northwest Coast Indian Art Collection at the American Museum of Natural History, American Museum of Natural History, New York, University of Washington Press, Seattle. 269 pp.
[240] Lévi-Strauss intended to prove in his writings that primitive people think in as sophisticated a manner and have as elaborate thought processes as civilized men. He did this by illustrating the universals underlying the structures with which all humans classify the component parts of the world about them and invent models to interpret reality. Humans, according to Lévi-Strauss, have invented a wide range of means to classify and understand their universe, including the creation of art. For him, the process of art production is one method of thinking, abstractly and philosophically about the world.
[226-227]One point seems certain. All the mythology, as well as traditional legends going back to a relatively recent past, attest that, under the name and appearance of the Xwéxwé mask, the Southern Kwakiutl received the Swaihwé from their Salish neighbors. But this entire investigation leads me to the conclusion that the Salish did not invent the Swaihwé out of nohtingness. From one end of a vast cultural area to the ohter lie the scattered pieces of a system to which, by articulating them, the Salish contributed only a coherence of their own vintage: monsters or spirits associated with water, endowed with a large face, with eyes so big and perhaps already bulging that their gaze is unsustainable, with a tongue constituting such a remarakble feature of their physiognomy that their vanquishers keep this organ as a trophy .... These monsters have a power over the elements that translates itself into maelstroms, tempests, or earthquakes: upheavals to which the myths oppose the, one might say, peaceful atmospheric phenomena of the lunar or solar halo and the rainbow. Finallly, everywhere, there emerges a parallelism between these natural disorders and those which attack familial and social life.[RSL e.g. incest]
THEMES
dangerous hoop [222]
copper/shit - like Japanese story [128]
Haida/Tlingit:Djilaqons=Lady Wealth [103]=Lady of Properties, daughter of Gonaqadet, mistresses of coastal rivers/Kwakiutl: Komagwa's daughter=Lady Wealth/Dzonokwa [223] [101-102] Bella Bella (Hiltsuq) Rich Lady; copper shit
Bella Coola Komagwa; Haida King of the Beyond/Gondqadet; Tsimshian Jealous Spirit [223] Tsimshian marine monster Hakulaq [222]
scallop shell rattles - broad geographic distribution [222, 17]
girl's puberty rites[223]
Tsimsian/Haida/Tlingit incestuous siblings [223] incest/rejection of procreation/antisocial behavior ...
bird/fish theme [222]
earth/water/air duality - Yurok air/earth (ie tbird Equake) companionship [217]
inverted air/water duality in Swaihwe/XweXwe myth, bird/fish aspects of masks
monsters exterminated by heroes Tsimshian Naguna'ks [204,, Lakitcina (XXsp), Haida king of the beyond
dividing in half Tsimshian/Haida [218]
Tsimshian Weeneel/Thunderbird [208] "The informants stress the resemblance between the creature called Weneel and the Thunderbird"
Tsimshian (Gitskan) Weneel/Haida King of other world [208] adversaries inprisoned under rocks or in a cave, break in half at waist.
Feather association, water association ----Weneel parallel to Tsimshian Hakulaq; Haida Qing.
Red Scorpaenid (red snapper, red cod, like Japanese stories [128]) Tlingit son of Red Snapper, killed his children by pressing them against spiny shirt, picured on totem pole at Wrangell wearing a hat and the red snapper coat, thunderbird at bottom [197]
Tlingit monster-slayer ripping apart a whale [197] floating child
earthquake/swamp association p. 160 [Salish]
protruding eyes = penetrating vision/way to look at unbearable things; rolled up leaves, cylinders [132-133]
Dzonokwa "makes the roof shake" [126] by lifting roof to steal fish [71,73]
-----
假如本書能夠使其他讀者得出相同的評價，我就心滿意足了。
本書所匯集的17+18 篇文章是從我近30年來撰寫的上百篇論文中挑選出來的。那些文章有些已經散逸，有些還是被人忘記的好。我在那些似乎還值得保存的作品當中 做了挑選，舍棄了純屬民族志和描寫性的作品，以及另外一些雖有理論價值，但已經收入《憂郁的熱帶》（Tristes Tropiques）一書的文章。有兩篇論文屬首次發表（第五章和第十六章），連同其余15篇，我覺得恰好可以說明什麼是人類學中的結構方法。
在籌備這本文集的過程中，我遇到了一個困難，這是應當提請讀者注意的。這里的好幾篇論文本來都是直接用英文寫成的，因此不得不翻譯。然而，在從事這項工作 的過程中，用不同語言構思的文章在語氣和寫作方面的差異令我印象深刻。我擔心由此產生的某種雜糅性會影響這本書的均衡感和整體感。
這種差異無疑能夠部分地從社會學原因得到解釋。因為，依照我們面對的是法語讀者還是盎格魯薩克遜語言的讀者之不同，我們的思考和闡述的方式也不一樣。不 過，這中間還有個人方面的原因。我多年使用英語從事教學，可是無論我對此已經多麼習慣，我的用法仍然不對，而且被限制在單一的語體當中。用英語寫作的時 候，我能夠用英語思考；但是，我只能運用我所掌握的語言手段說出我所能說，而不能說出我所想說，雖然對這一點我並非總是有意識。我之所以一邊將自己親手寫 的文章適譯成法文，一邊卻產生一種怪怪的感覺，就是出于這個原因。鑒于讀者也極有可能產生這種不過癮的感覺，所以有必要把個中緣由交待清楚。
為了解決上述困難，我試著采取了一種靈活的翻譯方法，對有些段落做出了扼要概括，對另一些段落則進一步發揮。那幾篇最初用法文寫成的文章也做了輕微的改動。最後，出于答復批評、修正謬誤和吸納新的事實的需要，我還增添了一些注解，散見于本書各處。
巴黎，1957年11月1日
----
2011.3.18
La Voie des masques (1972, The Way of the Masks, trans. Sylvia Modelski, 1982)
面具的奧祕 上海文藝出版社 1992
有PDF 檔
《面具的奧秘》原名《面具之道》(中國人民大學的版本2008採用的書名)，是他在戰後所寫的一部專門研究北美印第安人面具、神話與其民族遷移史的關係的書。
列維-施特勞斯是法國著名結構主義人類學家，曾絕響一時，其影響所及，跨越了人類學、民俗學、神話學、歷史學、語言學諸學科。
Claude Lévi-Strauss (French pronunciation: [klod levi stʁos]; (28 November 1908 – 30 October 2009)[1][2][3] was a French anthropologist and ethnologist, and has been called the "father of modern anthropology".[4]
頁181:JURATA FIDELITATE AB OMNIBUS REGNI PRINCIPIBUS
*** 奇怪的一篇待考之摘錄
| First Nations and Native American stories that could be about Cascadia megathrust earthquakes compiled by Ruth Ludwin, University of Washington, Dept. of Earth and Space Sciences |
| Lévi-Strauss, Claude, 1982, The Way of the Masks, University of Washington Press, Seattle, WA., 228. pp. 1908- |
[10] ... through the years, my sentiment ... was undermined by a lingering uneasiness: this art posed a problem to me which I could not resolve. Certain masks, all of the same type, were disturbing because of the way they were made. Their stye, their shape was strange, their plastic justification escaped me....
[11-12]Much bigger than life-size, these masks are round at the top, but their sides, which curve inward at first, are then drawn together, becoming parallel or even oblique; the remaining third of the mask thus takes on the rough shape of a rectangle, or an upside down trapezium. At the lowest extremity, the small base is perfectly horizontal, as if the design had been sawn off in mid-course, representing a sagging lower jaw in the middle of which hangs a large tongue, which is either carved in bas-relief or painted red. The upper jaw protrudes about one third of the way up the mask. Immediately above this, the nose, which is sometimes indicated in rough outline or may even be absent, is most often replaced by a very prominent bird head with half-open or closed beak; two or three additional heads rise like horns on top of the mask. ...the general configuration remains the same, as does that of the eyes, consisting of two wood cylinders, either carved into the mass or added on and made to bulge powerfully out of the orbits.
Looking at these masks, I was ceaselessly asking myself the same questions. Why this unusual shape, so ill-adapted to their function? Of course, I was seeing them incomplete because in the old days they were topped by a crown of swan or golden eagle feathers (the former entirely white, the latter white-tipped) intermingled with some thin reeds adorned with "snowballs" of down that quivered with every movement of the wearer. Furthermore, the lower part of the mask rested on a big collarette made in earlier times of stiff plumes, and more recently, of embroidered cloth. But these trimmings, which may be seen in old photographs, rather accentuate the strangeness of the mask without shedding any light on its mysterious aspects: why the gaping mouth, the flabby lower jaw exhibiting an enormous tongue? Why the bird heads.which have no obvious connection with the rest and are most incongruously placed? Why the protruding eyes, which are the unvarying trait of all the types? Finally, why the quasi-demonic style resembling nothing else in the neighboring cultures, or even in the culture that gave it birth?
Synthesis - RSL 8/28/2000[14- ] This type of mask is called Swaihwé, and is particular to a dozen groups Indians of Salish linguistic family, who occupied areas around the mouth of the Fraser River estuary on the mainland, and on the eastern part of Vancouver Island across the Strait of Georgia. In the Puget Sound region, the word sqwéqwé designates the potlatch. The costume associated with the mask was predominantly white, and the masked dancers used a special sistrum (rattle) made of scallop shells strung on a wooden ring. The masks and the right to wear them were a ceremonial properties of certain lineages. The masks were considered to bring luck and facilitate the acquisition of wealth. Vancouver Island and Puget Sound stories about the origin of the mask contained elements of rumbling or shaking of the earth. In the Fraser River delta, the story of the mask is related to a cure for convulsions. Boas compares the Vancouver Island versions of the stories and masks [Ref cited. Boas 1891-95,23-27,85-86 (Indianishe Sagen von der Nord-Pacifischen Kuste Amerikas. Berlin, A Asher; Curtis 1907-20, The North American Indian:IX,37-39] with mainland and Puget Sound versions (Lumni Sxoaxi). Through his study of the flow of plot elements within the texts, Lévi-Strauss ??? that the stories originated on the mainland, near the vicinity of Hope and Yale. Lévi-Strauss further finds a symbolic linkage (metaphorical affinity p. 34), which is expressed by the similarity between the protruding tongue of the mask and fish.
[Note aside 1: The mainland and Puget Sound stories concern people afflicted with sores on their bodies "His body game out a stinking smell and even his close relatives ran away from him." (p. 22) "sores broke out all over his body" (p. 26). In the Puget Sound "It was believed that any person who usurped the mask would get sores all over his face ... The spectators were not supposed to laugh at the sight of him, or else they too would become afflicted with sores on the body and the respiratory tract." (pp. 25-26) The acquisition of the mask cures the affliction.]
[Note aside 2: In the Squamish version, the Sxaixi masked person makes a lot of noise by dancing on the roof of the house.]
Lévi-Strauss also draws a connection between Coppers and the Swaihwé mask; similar both in shape and mythic origin (Lilloet, p. 35)
[93] When, from one group to another, the plastic form is preserved, the semantic function is inverted. On the other hand, when the semantic funcion is retained, it is the plastic form that is inverted.
[125]... the plastic features of masks carrying the same message are inverted ... when they pass from one population to its neighbor....Conversely, when the plastic elements remain unchanged as between the Salish Swaihwé and the Kwakiutl imitation under the name Xwéxwé, it is the messages that are then inverted.
[146] Even assuming the best conditions - that is, a still-living culture, with well preserved beliefs and practices - the study of the internal correlations between its mythology or art and all the rest would constitute an absolutely necessary preliminary, but it would not be sufficient. Once these local resources have been tapped, further efforts are required of the analyst. For these myths are in opposition to other myths which they contradict or transform, and it would be impossible to understand one without reference to the others - in the same way that nay utterance is explained in the words which do not precisely figure in it, since those used by the speaker derive their meaning and importance from the fact that they were chosen in preference to others that he might have used, and to which, in commenting on the utterance, it is therefore quite in order to refer.
[147-148] Along a stretch of nearly three thousand kilometers, ideological structures were built up compatible with the inherent constraints of their mental nature and which, in agreement with those constraints, encoded, as we say today, the givens of the environment and of history. These ideological structures incorporate the information with pre-existing paradigms and also generate new ones in the shape of mythic beliefs, ritual practices, and plastic works. Over this immense territory, these beliefs, practices, and works remain mutually congruent when they imitate one another, and even, perhaps above all, when they seem to be contradictory. For in both cases they equilibrate each other beyond the linguistic, cultural, and political frontiers whose transparency was proved by my whole argument, unless their always relative closure sets up a logical as well as historical constraint and marks the points at which inversions take place.
<[40-43] "The Kwakiutl linked the Xwéxwé masks with earthquakes. Their dance, wrote Boas, "is believed to shake the ground and to be a certain means of bringing back the hamatsa," that is, the new initiate to the highest ranking secret society, the Cannibals. During initiation, the novice became ferocious and wild and ran in the woods: the objective was to bring him back to reintegrate him in the village community. This association of the Xwéxwér; (or Swaihwé) with earthquakes... throws a curious light on the symbolism of the sistrums carried by the dancers... I draw attention to the way Plutarch explained the role of sistrums among the ancient Egyptians: "The sistrum ... makes it clear that all things in existence need to be shaken, or rattled about, and never to cease from motion but, as it were , to be waked up and agitated when they grow drowsy and torpid."
[43-45]
XXXX
[46-47 (see also 44-45) reference cited: Boas and Hunt, 1902-5, Kwakiutl texts, Memoirs of the American Museum of Natural History, v. 5. 236-239; Boas 1935a, 27-32, Kwakiutl Tales; New Series, Columbia University Contributions to Anthropology, vol. 26; 44-45
A third story features, apart from the Comox, two Kwakiutl groups related my marriage: the island Nimkish and just across from them on the mainland, the Koeksotenok. The Nimkish chief lived in Xulk, on the east coast of the island. One day, he started a discussion with his son-in-lay on the "good dance" of the Comox, that is the Swaihwé. This son-in-law had a brother whom he persuaded to wage war against the Comox in order to take possession of the dance. The young man embarked with one hundred vigorous warriors. When they arrived in sight of the Comox country, they heard the sound of thunder: it was the strangers who "were singing form the Xwéxwé." The troop disembarked at the other extremity of the bay, from which could be seen the dancers and clouds of eagle's down rising as high as the sky. After the dance, half of the ship's crew approached and the Comox sat them down and treated them to a feast. Again there was a roar of thunder and four masked dancers appeared, painted with ochre, covered with feathers, and in their hands holding rattles made of threaded scallop shells. The Comox chief harangued his visitors and granted them the right to perform the dance, and he also gave them a chest containing the masks with their accessories.
Between the island Salish and the Kwakiutl (of both the island and the mainland) there existed, therefore, a network of ambiguous relationships which could include everything from matrimonial alliance to war. In both cases, the masks and privileges attached to them were the objects of rivalries and trade, on the same basis as women, proper names, and foodstuffs. The Swaihwé or Xwéxwé mask in these tales, being excluded from the sacred winter rites, passes from the Salish to the Kwakiutl on the occasion of a warring expedition or a marriage; in this latter case, the transfer is made in the same direction as that of the bride. By contrast, as in integral part of the winter rites the Sisiutl mask goes in the reverse direction, from the Kwakiutl to the Comox, which is also what the young Comox bridegroom does when he settles down with his in-laws. Such stories undoubtedly originate from customs which once existed. Others obviously pertain to mythology.
[48-49] RSL Paraphrase: Red Codfish story; reference to stinginess means the opposite, "among the Salish, the Swaihwé masks have an opposite nature, they enrich those who own them or who have secured their service." Borrowed mask shows inversion of story.
[50] RSL Paraphrase: "A myth of the Tsmishian (northern neighbors of the mainland Kwakiutl) links the red scorpaenid to the origin of copper." i.e. riches
[54] "The Squamish (of the mainland coast, north of the Fraser)" .... "The hero managed to foil all the traps and he tronsformed the house into an enchnated rock within which he imprisoned his father-in-law. This rock exists: if one insults it, a storm breaks out and the culprit sinks with his boat."
...Here again, therefore, a hero, who elsewhere is the provider of the copper and who announces himself through his sunlike and metallic dazzle, is put in correlation with and opposition to the scorpaenids."...
...These partial and fragmentary indications, however, are not sufficient to understand that the Swaihwé masks, as I have observed, are brought by the Salish into direct relation with the acquisition of wealth; wheras, among the Kwakiutl directly and among the Tsimshian indirectly, the red scorpaenids - associated with the masks of the Kwakiutl -- fill an opposite function. And this, in spite of the fact that wherever the masks exist, their plastic characteristics remain the same, and the same affinity can be observed between them and earthquakes."
[p. 111; Tlingit myth see also 195] An incestuous brother and sister had to part. The brother became the Thunderbird who is responsible for hurricanes and tempests. Once a year, in the stormy season, he comes back to visit his sister. The latter... wnet underground at the top of a mountain. Since then, she has supported the column un which the earth rests; she like humans who make a fire to warm her, because each time she gets hungry, the ground shakes and humans burn grease to feed her. According to other versions, the quakes occur when she fights off Raven, the trickster, who to destroy men, jostels her and tries to make her lose her grip on the column supporting the earth.
[161] "The available native testimonials on the diffusion of the Swaihwé all suggest that the mask, staring from the middle Fraser, arrived on the coast in the last quarter of the eighteenth century. The various chronologies converge, but should one give them full credit?" ... [p. 227] It is more cautious to admit that the first origin of the Swaihwé and even its evolution in the recent past remain obscure.
[p. 201; Haida, Swanton 1905b: Haida Texts and Myths p. 150-159; 1909 Tlingit Texts and Myths p. 25] There was once a village by the sea. One day, some mysterious visitors came ashore; they had a magic broad hat thanks to whihc they could, at will, unleash marine cataclysms. Terrorized, the local population had to surrender a princess whom the chief wanted to marry. The travelers, with their prisoner, took to the open sea for an unknown desitnation. The young girl's parents were disonsolate, and the nother decided to set off in search of her daughter, accompanied by her husband's chief slave. For years, the ventured over the water, facing great perils, and they finally reached the outer confines of the ocean. They slipped under the rim of a celestial dome that was rising and falling in an incessant movement, and after clearing this last obstacle, they landed on the shoures of the beyond. There they met Property Woman carrying her child; she explained that the country's king had sequestered the young worman in a cave, and made her lose her mind. As a matter of fact, he was furious because his son had given his parents-in-law, as a wedding gift the magic headdress which he prized above all things. ...
A slave left to reconnoiter, found the captive's cell but failed to get her to react; she behaved like an imbecile. Then he made himself temporarily invisible and entered the abductors' dwelling. The converstaions he overheard revealed to him that they were a canibal people and that the sovereign would return her sanity to the young woman only in exchange for the precious hat.
The two visitors made their presence known; they were feted, then they returned to their country and related their adventures. It was decided to orgainize an expedition to liberate the captive, but at the time of departure, the latter's two brothers disappeared. They soon came back, married: the eldest to Mouse Woman (the customary intermediary, in the myths of this region, between the terrestrial world and the beyond), and the younger one to a creature who impressed in spite of her short stature: she was too powerful to look at, she was a woman who "goes by contraries." Let by Mouse Woman, the expedition reached its destination safely. The travellers were given a showy welcome, and they hastened to fill the house up to the very roof with shells. They had brought enormous quantities of shellls as spoons and that at the sight of new shells they were transported with admiration and covetousness. Finally, the magic headdress, main object of the dispute, was deposited on top of the shell heap.
They went to fetch the king of the country. The ground shook as he approached. His appearance was wonderful as he stood there, and his wide-open eyes were too powerful to look at. The ground started to shake again with each step he took. The younger son's wife was the only one who had enough magic power to sustain his glare. Thus foiled, the frightening personage merely retrieved his hat. The shalls were parcelled out, and the cured captive was returned to her parents. The king then started to dance, fell, and broke himself in two at the waist. Eagle feathers escaped from his buttocks and trunk; then, alternatively from each half of his body, were seen coming out his daughter-in-law's retinure whom he had devoured.
The next day, as they were saying goodbye, the king secretly confided to his daughter-in-law that he intended to be born again from her. As soon as she had given birth to him, sh should settle him in a cradle decorated with cumulous clouds. Back at the village, the young woman, indeed, did deliver an extrordinary chold"Something flat stuck out from his eyelids." He was placed in a cradle decorated with clouds, and he was abandoned in the high seas. The cradle and its content changed into a rocky reef. Since then, whenever the latter was seen in the morning surrounded by clouds, food would be plentiful; but if it was visible (meaning, probably, free of clouds) this would be an omen announcing that sickness was about to break out."
[p. 208; Gitskan, (Tsimshian)] The informants stresss the resemblance between the creature called Weneel and the Thunderbird.
Claude Levi-Strauss 1908- Link to short biography of Claude Lévi-Strauss
Jonaitis, Aldona, 1988, From the Land of the Totem Poles; The Northwest Coast Indian Art Collection at the American Museum of Natural History, American Museum of Natural History, New York, University of Washington Press, Seattle. 269 pp.
[240] Lévi-Strauss intended to prove in his writings that primitive people think in as sophisticated a manner and have as elaborate thought processes as civilized men. He did this by illustrating the universals underlying the structures with which all humans classify the component parts of the world about them and invent models to interpret reality. Humans, according to Lévi-Strauss, have invented a wide range of means to classify and understand their universe, including the creation of art. For him, the process of art production is one method of thinking, abstractly and philosophically about the world.
[226-227]One point seems certain. All the mythology, as well as traditional legends going back to a relatively recent past, attest that, under the name and appearance of the Xwéxwé mask, the Southern Kwakiutl received the Swaihwé from their Salish neighbors. But this entire investigation leads me to the conclusion that the Salish did not invent the Swaihwé out of nohtingness. From one end of a vast cultural area to the ohter lie the scattered pieces of a system to which, by articulating them, the Salish contributed only a coherence of their own vintage: monsters or spirits associated with water, endowed with a large face, with eyes so big and perhaps already bulging that their gaze is unsustainable, with a tongue constituting such a remarakble feature of their physiognomy that their vanquishers keep this organ as a trophy .... These monsters have a power over the elements that translates itself into maelstroms, tempests, or earthquakes: upheavals to which the myths oppose the, one might say, peaceful atmospheric phenomena of the lunar or solar halo and the rainbow. Finallly, everywhere, there emerges a parallelism between these natural disorders and those which attack familial and social life.[RSL e.g. incest]
THEMES
dangerous hoop [222]
copper/shit - like Japanese story [128]
Haida/Tlingit:Djilaqons=Lady Wealth [103]=Lady of Properties, daughter of Gonaqadet, mistresses of coastal rivers/Kwakiutl: Komagwa's daughter=Lady Wealth/Dzonokwa [223] [101-102] Bella Bella (Hiltsuq) Rich Lady; copper shit
Bella Coola Komagwa; Haida King of the Beyond/Gondqadet; Tsimshian Jealous Spirit [223] Tsimshian marine monster Hakulaq [222]
scallop shell rattles - broad geographic distribution [222, 17]
girl's puberty rites[223]
Tsimsian/Haida/Tlingit incestuous siblings [223] incest/rejection of procreation/antisocial behavior ...
- [195] - Tsimshian: incestuous siblings brother turned into thunder, sister plunges into volcano and becomes Mistress of earthquakes
- [111] Tlingit: Incestuous brother becomes Thunderbird, sister inside mountain holds column that supports earth.
bird/fish theme [222]
earth/water/air duality - Yurok air/earth (ie tbird Equake) companionship [217]
inverted air/water duality in Swaihwe/XweXwe myth, bird/fish aspects of masks
monsters exterminated by heroes Tsimshian Naguna'ks [204,, Lakitcina (XXsp), Haida king of the beyond
dividing in half Tsimshian/Haida [218]
Tsimshian Weeneel/Thunderbird [208] "The informants stress the resemblance between the creature called Weneel and the Thunderbird"
Tsimshian (Gitskan) Weneel/Haida King of other world [208] adversaries inprisoned under rocks or in a cave, break in half at waist.
Feather association, water association ----Weneel parallel to Tsimshian Hakulaq; Haida Qing.
Red Scorpaenid (red snapper, red cod, like Japanese stories [128]) Tlingit son of Red Snapper, killed his children by pressing them against spiny shirt, picured on totem pole at Wrangell wearing a hat and the red snapper coat, thunderbird at bottom [197]
Tlingit monster-slayer ripping apart a whale [197] floating child
earthquake/swamp association p. 160 [Salish]
protruding eyes = penetrating vision/way to look at unbearable things; rolled up leaves, cylinders [132-133]
Dzonokwa "makes the roof shake" [126] by lifting roof to steal fish [71,73]
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李維史陀：實驗室裡的詩人 Claude Levi-Strauss: The Poet in the ...
第十章 神話的星雲
簡介
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結構主義神話學 葉舒憲主編 陜西師範大學出版社 1988
收入 Claude Levi-Strauss 在加拿大廣播公司的演講 神話與意義 (此書台灣有版本)
Leech的名著 作為神話的創世紀
等等
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神話學：生食和熟食(BD0011)
Mythologiques
類別：
宗教‧哲學‧人文>哲學Mythologiques
叢書系列：近代思想圖書館系列
作者：李維斯陀
Claude Levi-Strauss
譯者：周昌忠
出版社：時報文化
出版日期：1992年1
神話學：從蜂蜜到煙灰(BD0012)
Mythologiques
類別：
宗教‧哲學‧人文>哲學Mythologiques
叢書系列：近代思想圖書館系列
作者：李維斯陀
Claude Levi-Strauss
譯者：周昌忠
出版社：時報文化
出版日期：1994年
神話學：裸人(BD0014)
類別：
人文‧思潮‧趨勢>近代思想圖書館系列Mythologiques : L'homme nu 叢書系列：近代思想圖書館系列 作者：李維斯陀 Claude Levi Strauss 譯者：周昌忠 出版社：時報文化 出版日期：2000年 李維斯陀的結構人類學，是要探掘人類心靈的思考模式；對他來說，表面上看來毫無規則 的資料，可藉結構分析發現其秩序。在早期的《親屬關係的基本結構》一書裡，李維斯陀在看似偶然而分歧的種種婚姻規制背後，發現了幾條簡單而準確的原則。但 是，李維斯陀尚無法認定它們是由體系本身的運作所造成的；在此，李維斯陀仍然認為親屬及婚姻法則只是某些社會需求投射於人類心理所產生的反應罷了。 李 維斯陀在神話分析上，則企圖更準確地呈現心靈思考的自主性及結構性。神話並無明顯的實用功能。因此，如果說人類心靈的運作是任意的，那麼這特定性更應該在 神話的領域裡表露無遺。李維斯陀發現事實並非如此。透過神話的結構分析，他正是想證明看來非常任意的表象之下，存在著人類心靈非常固定的運作法則。他說： 「如果在神話學的領域裡，人類心靈也受著法則的支配，那麼我們就更加有理由相信：在所有其他領域裡，人類心靈也受著法則的支配。」 《神 話學》的目的既不在闡釋個別的神話故事，也不在探索某一族群之神話體系與文化背景的關係。這部神話研究以一則博羅羅（Bororo）印第安人的神話為起 點。李維斯陀先記錄下他所選的這則「關鍵神話」（Key myth）的整個內容，並描述它的民族誌背景。他指出這則神話裡某些無法用歷史及社會事實加以解釋的因素，由此轉向神話內在結構的檢視。到了這部書的結 尾，李維斯陀終於把採自南北美洲各地的八百多則神話納入一個複雜的結構變換體系之內。在每一則神話之內，他斷定了各個節段之間所具有變換關係；在不同神話 之間，他則找出它們在結構上的種種對應關係。 第四卷《裸人》比較南美和北美的神話，並探討各變型之間的對稱關係。李維斯陀特別注意衣飾在人與自然的關係上所伴演的角色。最後，他演證了南美和北美區域之神話整體所具有的封閉性質。 李 維斯陀可以相離數千哩、沒有歷史牽連的區域採取神話來進行比較分析，這是非常違反一般人類學的原則的。但他認為神話邏輯乃是人類普同而無意識之思考結構的 表徵，因而他的神話研究幾乎只限於針對其邏輯結構的分析。李維斯陀這樣說：「我不是要指出人如何在神話之中思考，而是要指出神話如何在人們心靈中運作，而 人卻不知道這回事。」換句話說，地李維斯陀認為神話有自主性，而且這表示他可以忽略特定變異型態的文化系絡。 當然，李維斯陀並未宣稱他的神話分析方法是唯一可行的途逕；畢竟，他所注重的也只是神話的一個重要的面相。無論怎麼說，最重要的問題是：《神話學》到底要告訴我們什麼訊息？我們也可以把《神話學》看作一則神話，那麼，這則神話的意義又何在？ 事 實上，《神話學》四卷的標題（生食和熟食、從蜂蜜到煙灰、餐桌禮儀的起源、裸人）已經暗示我們：李維斯陀的終極關懷是人存在於自然與文化這兩個範疇之間到 底是什麼樣的處境。這四個書名的第一個字「生」（cru）和最後一字「裸」（nu）無論在發音上或在意義上都是互相呼應的。那麼多神話所要說的，李維斯陀 所要講的，不外是如此：人藉著文化而脫離自然，但人類不必驕恃；在宇宙之中，人類何其微不足道。但是，我們也不必沮喪，反而更應該珍惜人類心靈的產物，因 為有一天「我們」與「無」之間是一跨即過的。 |
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周昌忠 1943 年生，上海社會科學院哲學研究所研究員。著有《西方現代語言哲學》、《西方科學方法論史》、《公孫龍子新論》、《西方科學的文化精神》；譯有《反對方法》、《量子論初期史》等。 |
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導讀 黃道琳 譯者序 圖版目錄 插圖目錄 符號表 序 1 第一篇 家庭的奧秘 ．被隱匿的小孩 ．愚蠢的女人和聰明的處女 第二篇 回音遊戲 第三篇 私人生活場景 ．放蕩的祖母 ．生生死死 ．「……這些孿鏡」 第四篇 外省生活場景 ．可溶解的魚 ．市場 ．愛鬧的廚房小學徒 ．糞便的正當用法 第五篇 辛酸的知識 ．訪問天空 ．兩個瞎子 ．世界性和外婚制 第六篇 追溯根源 ．火和雨 ．接合 第七篇 神話之初 ．二元運算子 ．唯一的神話 終樂章 附錄 參考文獻 神話索引 |
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