"The more nationalistic the Chinese people become, the less attractive their country will become," he says.
SCMP.COM
The West has lost its way, but China may not be the beneficiary, says Wang Gungwu
The Singapore historian observes how the world has changed during the Covid-19 pandemic, with the Chinese becoming more nationalistic
Much will depend on whether China’s alternative perspective is attractive to those who are now more sceptical of what the West stands for
Wang Gungwu, AO, CBE (王赓武; 王賡武; Wáng Gēngwǔ; born 9 October 1930)
Sinologist and historian Wang Gungwu, pictured during the launch of ThinkChina. Photo: Handout
As the
Covid-19 pandemic spreads across the globe, human lives are being threatened and daily activities are impacted on an unprecedented scale and intensity. People everywhere are trying to understand the disease and the turmoil it has brought upon the politics, economics and society of nations.
The chasm between
China, where the epidemic first erupted, and the Western world has worsened, creating cross-cultural debates on ways of governance, globalisation, national and ethnic identities, and ideologies. While many try to be rational, others are resorting to hate speech and blame games. Amid the pandemonium, most people want to know where we are now, what we are facing, and how we can move forward.
ThinkChina editor Chow Yian Ping speaks to eminent historian Professor Wang Gungwu, of the National University of
Singapore, for his thoughts on these issues.
Professor Wang Gungwu. Photo: Handout
Chow: The Covid-19 pandemic has unleashed anti-China and anti-Chinese sentiments around the world. Within China, Chinese nationalist feelings have also risen sharply. How will the world’s perception of China and the Chinese develop after this? How will China see the US and the West? And what does this mean for Singapore – a multicultural nation with a Chinese-majority population?
Wang: Most people agree that the Chinese authorities did eventually move fast to control Covid-19 and were remarkably successful in limiting the spread within the PRC. But the world also knows that the system was slow to report the epidemic’s seriousness, that the warnings were late, and valuable time was lost.
People in East Asia were surprised by how poorly some advanced countries in western Europe handled the epidemic. In particular, the confusing developments in the US were truly astonishing. The situation is still evolving. It is not clear how much further the US will politicise the issues to place the blame entirely on China and how much more anti-Chinese feelings that might arouse. Popular anger inside the PRC has sometimes forced Beijing to overreact: that might please some Chinese, but such overreactions do little for China’s efforts to make new friends.
There is little doubt that many Chinese now believe that the West has lost its way and the US is not fit to lead the world. But it does not follow that other countries see China replacing the US in its dominant role. The more nationalistic the Chinese people become, the less attractive their country will become.
In Singapore, those of Chinese descent would be rightly troubled by anti-Chinese displays, especially in the anglophone world. Its leaders are also sensitive to the reactions among the country’s immediate neighbours. Singapore Chinese could show their disapproval of anti-Chinese actions but they too will have to guard against any kind of overreaction.
The Merlion, with Singapore’s skyline in the background. Photo: AFP
Chow: It is said that for over 2,000 years, the Chinese have thought the ideal state of governance to be a well-functioning centralised system with wise rulers, which is very different from the Western ideal of a liberal democracy where individuals enjoy freedom of speech. Do you think the Chinese ideal has changed given that the Chinese have now more than 100 years of exposure to Western liberal ideas and to a market-oriented economy? How do you think the pandemic will affect the thinking of the Chinese?
Wang: At least two generations of Chinese have learnt to appreciate that the modern West has valuable ideas and institutions to offer, but the turmoil of much of the 20th century has also made them feel that the Western European versions of democracy might not be that important for China’s national development.
The majority of Chinese seem to approve of policies that place order and stability above freedom and political participation. They believe that this is what the country needs at this stage and resent being regularly criticised as politically unliberated and backward. Some sophisticated foreign critics emphasise that the fault does not lie with the Chinese people but with the system controlled by the Chinese Communist Party. This tends to drive the party to seek even greater control over its population.
As for those Chinese who strongly disagree with what is happening in their country but do not think they can change anything from within, many of them have voted with their feet or hope to move out if they can. However, it is unlikely that the pandemic in itself will undermine mainstream confidence that the economy will recover and the political system will survive.
Police officers wearing face masks are seen in Tiananmen Square in Beijing. Photo: Reuters
Chow: The West has always prided itself on its liberalism and its democratic system; many believe that this is the source of creativity and innovation in western Europe and the US. However, in dealing with the pandemic, those values and systems have displayed some serious weaknesses. Some feel that the pandemic will lead to a change in the discourse in the West that could mark the beginning of the decline of Western dominance. What are your views on this?
Wang: I agree that the West has proven to be creative when facing dangers to its civilisation. However, the Chinese during the past 100 years have also been creative in response to Western challenges – although they are learning to innovate quite differently from the modern “universalist” trajectory followed by the West and draw inspiration very much from their own history.
Should the PRC succeed in providing an alternative route to prosperity and independence, the US (and elsewhere in the West) would see that as a fundamental threat to its (and Western European) dominance in the world. Those who feel threatened would then do everything they can to stop China. I think this is what most Chinese believe is what American leaders are prepared to do.
Ancient past, modern ambitions: Wang Gungwu’s new book on China’s delicate balance
9 Sep 2019
It did not help that the US as the leader of that West has made serious mistakes as the world’s sole superpower, including that of letting rampant capitalism dictate the globalisation process. The negative reaction among those in the US who turned against its liberal ideals has left the country’s allies in confusion and thus opened Western hegemony to question. But even if the West should be in relative decline, that does not mean that China will be the beneficiary. Much will depend on whether China’s alternative perspective is credible and attractive to those who are now more sceptical of what the West stands for.
In the meantime, the danger could be a decoupled world economy or one that is multipolar without any kind of leadership or any common values. That would seriously undermine the global economy that helped the revival of many Asian economies these past decades. If that happens, the next few decades may have to focus on how to prevent all countries from becoming stagnant, if not poorer.
Chinese officers wear face masks while marching in front of the entrance of the Forbidden City in Beijing. Photo: AFP
Chow: Despite China‘s success in curbing the spread of the virus, Chinese intellectuals within and outside of China are debating about good governance and freedom of speech in China. Some feel that the Chinese bureaucracy, media, and society have resorted to nationalism and populism and the country lacks its own narrative. How can China create a collective narrative when individuals are denied their personal narratives? What are your thoughts about this?
Wang: There are so many far-reaching questions buried here that a simple answer is not possible. For one thing, Chinese intellectuals did have chances to shape alternatives to their ancient traditions and many did turn fully towards the West for answers. But the nature of China’s politics, whether under emperors, warlords, nationalists or communists, was so rooted in Chinese history that no individual or group of intellectuals could offer a new vision that could appeal to the majority of the Chinese people.
In the end, that majority seemed to have accepted the legitimacy of PRC’s victory on the battlefield coupled with the capacity to bring order and renewed purpose to a rejuvenated China. Under such circumstances, there remained a wide range of little freedoms for the individual but always short of the freedom for organised groups to challenge the regime.
The fact that the Covid-19 pandemic has failed to bring about mutual aid and cooperation but is being politicised instead suggests that neither side will give an inch to work together for global peace and recovery.
If the regime leadership feels insecure, however, there would be far less room for free expression, and that would be a big obstacle to creativity. During the past century and a half, many people in China have stood up for their principles, but what happened to those who did, especially in recent years, has discouraged others from doing so.
The pandemic, still a danger to the country, has not made the regime feel more secure. Unfortunately, the US is trying to pin the whole blame on China for spreading it to the rest of the world. And this is only part of an ongoing trade war that could become a major obstacle to the country’s economic growth for years. The Chinese now see this as a persistent threat and that would not help those who seek more freedom to cultivate their personal narratives.
Chow: Do you think the world is going to be more divided or would it seek to develop mutual understanding and a coming together of ideas?
Wang: We should be grateful that there would always be leaders in some countries who continue to support efforts to seek mutual understanding and share common ideals. But everything now points to an intense clash of national interests between the two superpowers that will make the world more divided. In particular, with China seeing the South China Sea as a core interest and the US determined to stop China from challenging its hegemony in the Indo-Pacific, there is little room for reconciliation.
The fact that the Covid-19 pandemic has failed to bring about mutual aid and cooperation but is being politicised instead suggests that neither side will give an inch to work together for global peace and recovery. Fortunately, the leaders of both sides are still doing what they can to prevent the conflicts from becoming a disastrous hot war.
There’s a hidden cost to Covid-19, and China is about to pay dearly
17 May 2020
Chow: Many are predicting that the world will see its darkest moment in economic history since the 1930s because of Covid-19. China is not spared as it reported a drop of 6.8 per cent in its first-quarter GDP. Global recovery depends on each country’s economy surviving the pandemic without being too damaged. There are proposals for China and East Asia to play a major role in leading the world in this process. What are your views on this? What are the determining factors for a global economic recovery?
Wang: No single country can ensure recovery for the global economy. If all of East Asia can pool their resources and cooperate effectively, that could make a difference. But it would not get far as long as the US and Europe are left out and, in any case, they want to go their own way. Without the backing of all the developed economies, global recovery can only be partial and fragile.
Of course, a great deal also depends on how long the pandemic lasts. From current calculations, second and third waves of infections and deaths are still possible before a safe vaccine can be found. If that were to happen over another year or two, even full cooperation among the G20 countries would probably not be enough to bring about full recovery any time soon.
Professor Wang Gungwu receives an honorary doctorate at the Lingnan University in Tuen Mun in 2017. Photo: SCMP/K.Y. Cheng
Chow: What is likely to be Singapore’s position? What changes are necessary for Singapore to continue to prosper in the post-pandemic age? What are the lessons to be learned? Does our future lie with the US or with China?
Wang: First, there are pandemic issues that are peculiar to Singapore and some responses would be specific to the city state. Here the Singapore government has acted quickly and has successfully used a variety of resources to deal with the problems that have arisen. On this score, the lessons are being learned and the new corrective measures introduced are proving to be effective.
Where the issues are regional and global, there is little that a small country can do to shape the key developments but it can be nimble and adjust quickly as unexpected changes occur. With its concentration of a wide variety of skilled talent plus a considerable financial reserve built up over the decades, Singapore has more room to adapt even when something untoward happens. The main lesson may be, to be prepared for difficult times even when things look good because a small country is never really safe.
As for the US and China, if Singapore’s future has to depend on one country or the other, that would not be a happy one. The worst that could happen is not to have a choice at all but simply to gamble on one side winning in either a cold or a hot war. That would ultimately make Singapore some powerful country’s dependency or client state and having thereafter to do what it is told. It is therefore in Singapore’s interest to try its utmost, with the support of its neighbours, to build a strong cooperative framework that stands united. If Asean can achieve that, both the US and China might find it profitable to use it to protect their respective interests in the region.
Although the pandemic has affected some populations much worse than others, there has been a degree of “globalisation from below” that I have not seen before.
Chow: Any advice for individuals facing the pandemic in an age of flux?
Wang: For individuals under 50 who find themselves with extra time at home to spare, they could use that to learn new skills with enterprise and imagination. They should also prepare their children for the demands that future work might make on them as new kinds of jobs are created that are also likely to evolve at greater speeds.
For those who are older, most can still carefully and selectively pick up one new skill or another and at least offer their previous work experiences to help advise those who are younger. Even more importantly, they should keep as healthy as possible so that they do not become burdens for their children and grandchildren and weaken their ability to respond to a rapidly changing work environment.
Professor Wang Gungwu. Photo: Handout
Chow: For someone your age (90 years old this coming October) who has seen war, political changes, countries rise and fall, how bad is this pandemic seen through the long stretch of time and history?
Wang: I had been led to think that all previous wars and political changes, including the rise and fall of countries, seemed to have been at a measured and calculable pace. When all that was going on, however trying and frightening they might have been at the time, everything seemed manageable by individuals, or families or local communities. The current pandemic has called for much more ingenuity, for rapid action by the leaders and governments of nation states everywhere, each close to asking for a “people’s war” against the invisible enemy.
Wang Gungwu, the scholar who helped the West understand China and the new Asia
11 Aug 2018
What is remarkable is that most people have responded well; on the whole, they have shown greater trust of those responsible than in the past. What is most interesting for me is that, although the pandemic has affected some populations much worse than others, there has been a degree of “globalisation from below” that I have not seen before. More people than ever in the past are knowledgeable about the fate of others, and we now see countless examples of people caring for others across borders and over long distances. This reflects the advances in modern science, especially in communications technology, but the way so many can and do use the new knowledge to connect in all sorts of new ways is uplifting and gives me hope for the human spirit.
Note: This interview was conducted by email in light of the circuit breaker measures imposed in Singapore.
Chow Yian Ping is the editor of ThinkChina. She was a senior correspondent at the Chinese language daily Lianhe Zaobao and has lived in Beijing, Hong Kong, Manila, Wellington and Singapore where she is now based.
This article was first published in
ThinkChina.sg
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"香港大學專業進修學院校友會與香港大學李嘉誠醫學院將於2007年11 月13日(星期二)下午 5時30繼1959年《白裏斯葛報告書》及1960 年《魏雅玲報告書》後；政府于1965年再度成立審查委員會提出《王賡武報告書》，並按照其內容作爲改制南大的藍本。 假香港薄扶林道香港大學研究生堂王庚武演講廳香港大學醫學院演講廳聯合 ..."
新加坡东亚研究所主任王賡武教授对美国之音表示，亚洲其它国家对中国加入世贸组织 ... 新加坡的王賡武教授认为， 中国经济对亚洲国家的影响将来究竟如何， 主要取决于 ...
王賡武提醒我們：南方沿海絕大多數人很晚才漢化，不宜僅因土地入了漢人當政的版圖便稱他們爲漢人[26]。在三國時人眼目中，嶺南土著還像鳥獸，很多人只能從流徙的罪人那 ...
王賡武著(張玉雲譯), 《儒學精神對當代中華文化的意義》, 星洲18/5/1995 。
關於 Gungwu, Wang 大約有 31 本書籍，這是第 1 至 10 項。Wang, Gungwu
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我摘約3段網路資料供讀者約略了解王教授:
“2001年 新加坡國立大學中文系為《東南亞華人研究叢書》首三本專著舉行新書發布會。這套和八方出版社聯合出版的叢書首3本是：
南洋理工大學中華語言文化中心李元瑾博士的《東西文化的撞擊與新華知識分子的三種回應》、國大中文系楊松年副教授的《戰前新馬文學本地意識的形成與發展》、台灣學者詹道玉的《戰后初期的新加坡華人戲劇》（1945─1959）。
東亞研究所所長王賡武教授受委任為《叢書》的編輯顧問，他說：“這3本作品從文藝發展、思想史和藝朮領域，增加我們對本區域華人的認識。”
在傳承思想和區域研究方面，新馬占有地緣上的優勢和重要性。王賡武教授說，雖然兩地不乏深入的研究成果，尤其是正統思想和傳統文學的材料，不過由于兩地市場不大，出版學朮著作“賺不了錢”，學者都必需到外地出版自己的著作。這形成“有人做，沒人出版”的困境。 王教授說，以海外華人的歷史來說，東南亞華人的歷史最為悠久，華人社會根深蒂固，有相當傳統的文化背景。除了新加坡是以華人為主之外，華人在東南亞其他國家都是屬于少數民族，他們在個別的政治環境下維持文化的情況都很值得寫。”
“東南亞研究中心榮譽教授王賡武表示：「在東亞地區內，大男人主義在華人文化中最明顯。」在菲律賓、越南、緬甸和泰國，婦女在社會上扮演重要角色，華人宣教士在這些地區 ...” 大馬拉曼大學開辦中文系 國際著名華裔學者王賡武博士將出任拉曼大學國際學術諮詢委員會主席。
“香港大學專業進修學院校友會與香港大學李嘉誠醫學院將於2007年11月13日(星期二)下午5時30繼1959年《白裏斯葛報告書》及1960年《魏雅玲報告書》後；政府于1965年再度成立審查委員會提出《王賡武報告書》，並按照其內容作爲改制南大的藍本。 假香港薄扶林道香港大學研究生堂王賡武演講廳香港大學醫學院演講廳聯合 ...”
我最早讀的資料:
王賡武 “馮道—論儒家的忠君思想” 載《中國歷史人物論集》，正中書局，1973，頁162-98。
《中國歷史人物論集》由”中研院中美學人社科合作委員會”翻譯自Arthur F. Wright and. Denis Twitchett, eds., Confucian Personalities (Stanford University Press: ,1962
長樂(老)
長久的快樂。漢˙焦延壽˙易林˙卷十一˙夬之頤：
雲物備故，長樂無憂。
韓非子˙功名：以尊主主御忠臣，則長樂生而功名成。馮道（882年－954年），字可道。生於唐僖宗中和二年（882），卒於後周顯德元年（954）。曾經侍奉五朝、八姓、十三帝，「累朝不離將相、三公、三師之位」。為官二十多年，是中國官場歷史的一個不倒翁。晚年的馮道寫了一篇《長樂老自敘》，記載了他歷代當過的官職一一列舉，引以為榮。最後馮道以七十三歲的高齡過世。
Wang Gungwu, CBE (simplified Chinese: 王赓武; traditional Chinese: 王賡武; pinyin: Wáng Gēng Wǔ; born 9 October 1930)[1] is a prominent Australian historian of Asia.[2]
Anglo-Chinese Encounters since 1800: war, trade, science and governance. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003.
《1800年以來中國人與英國人的交錯：戰爭，貿易，科學與政務》（2003）
1800年以來的中英碰撞: 戰爭、貿易、科學及治理
作者: 王賡武
出版社: 浙江人民出版社
譯者: 金明 / 王之光
出版年: 2015-7-1
頁數: 174
定價: CNY 29.00
裝幀: 平裝
ISBN: 9787213066580
內容簡介 • • • • • •
中英交往不僅僅發生在兩個大國之間。這兩個國家的貿易和往來還發生在大英帝國和英聯邦這些更宏大的背景之下。本書根據作者在劍橋大學所作的 演講修改而成。在這部探討中英關係的文筆優美、思想雋永的作品中，作者圍繞著“戰爭”“貿易”“科學”及“治理”這四個詞彙，闡述了中國和英語民族複雜、 多彩、動態的交往關係，既審視兩者交往的可能，同時又洞悉其限制，為讀者展示了一幅既深遠壯闊又細緻入微的中西文明之間碰撞融合的歷史畫卷。
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