內容含蓋世界諸大文明 所以很有參考價值
據書評
Rostow, who died earlier this year at age 86 while still a member of the University of Texas faculty, addresses eleven policy issues in more-or-less chronological order. They are: the use of air power in Europe during World War II, the US and the USSR (1945-1989), the death of Stalin, "Open Skies," the use of foreign aid, Korea, the Kennedy-Johnson guideposts, China, Vietnam and Southeast Asia, the US urban problem, and the world population problem. Each topic is given a chapter. In the penultimate chapter, Rostow notes that the "binding thread" in the ideas he "took to market" is the desirability of "introducing long run factors into the making of current policy" (p. 346). This follows from his proposition that "what economists call the long period is, in fact, the sum of what we do or fail to do over short periods of time" (p. 346). Inasmuch as these issues span a period of sixty years, there has been ample time for him to test the veracity of this proposition.
索引當然很難處理 所以就馬虎過去啦
其實這是大損失
文史方面注解詳細
美中不足處是許多一般詞都翻譯錯誤 譬如說
MIT出版社 美國三大汽車公司等等
See larger image
概念與交鋒 2007
Walt Rostow. ..... Concept and Controversy: Sixty Years of Taking Ideas to Market, 2003 (posthumous)
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- 出版时间： 2007-7-1
华尔特·罗斯托(walt Rostow)：1916年生于美国纽约。毕业于耶鲁大学，1936年获硕士学位，1940年获博士学位。期间，即1936-1938年，赴英国牛津大学 做访问学者。曾在哥伦比亚大学、牛津大学、剑桥大学、麻省理工学院讲授历史学和经济学。曾长期在美国国务院工作，担任过肯尼迪总统和约翰逊总统的特别助 理。现任美国德克萨斯大学政治经济学终身教授。著述甚丰，有三十多本著作问世，其中包括《经济增长的阶段》、《世界经济、历史与前景》、《从大卫休谟到当 代的经济增长理论家们》等。
目录
第一章 回眸：1916-1938年
第二章 空军在欧洲的运用：1942-1945年——盟军本应该在欧洲赢得战争吗？
第三章 美国和苏联：1945-1989年——波兰问题是关键
第四章 斯大林之死：1953年——时机不再
第五章 开放领空：1955年——失败未必无益
第六章 艾森豪威尔和肯尼迪的对外援助：1953-1963年——胜利凯旋
第七章 大韩民国——我与奇迹沾上边
第八章 艾森豪威尔、肯尼迪和约翰逊的反通胀努力：1957-1972年——创新应该制度化
第九章 中国：1949年及其后——民主建设有待加强
第十章 越南和东南亚——该不读切断胡志明小道
第十一章 城市问题：1991年及其后——预防还是治疗
第十二章 人口：现代日本的第四大挑战——21世纪的中心议题
第十三章 长期与短期——贯穿本书的主线
第十四章 最后两个反思——20世纪和21世纪：个人和历史
人名中英对照表
译后记
bathtub gin 私燒錦酒
[ 名词 ]
1. homemade gin especially that made illegally
三年後，孫嘉淦被任命為直隸總督。當時京輔一帶，酒禁甚嚴，儘管如此，違法的人還 是很多。但是，地方官吏都不敢向上報告。孫嘉淦上任後，根據實情，上疏提出：“禁酒原在災年，現處豐年，不宜再禁。造酒之物，本非朝夕所食，豆皮、大麥、 谷糠、黍谷之類，原屬棄物，雜而成酒，可以得價，其糟可飼六畜。化無用為有用，非作無益害有益也。”他又進一步指出：“利所不在，雖賞不為。利之所在，雖 禁彌甚。燒鍋禁則酒必少，酒少則價必貴，價貴而私燒之利會倍于昔。會倍之利所在，民必性命爭焉。孟子曰：‘君子不以所養人者害人’，本為民生計，而滋擾乃 至此，則立法不可不慎也。”乾隆接到孫嘉淦這份邏輯性強、論證嚴密的上疏，認為他的建議對民生確為有利，決定對禁令作修改，使酒禁較前有所放鬆。
High Table
Obituary
Walt Rostow
Cold war liberal adviser to President Kennedy who backed the disastrous US intervention in Vietnam
- guardian.co.uk, Monday 17 February 2003 02.01 GMT
- Article history
After the Nixon victory in the 1968 presidential election, Rostow suffered for his beliefs. Neither Yale, where he did his undergraduate and doctoral studies, nor the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, where he taught economic history and international affairs for 11 years before going to work in the White House, could find a job for him; and, if rumour is to be believed, several other famous universities, either shocked by his policies or afraid others might be, also refused him. Instead, he went to the University of Texas at Austin, where he and his wife Elspeth, also a distinguished academic, were popular and happy.
Rostow's parents, Jewish immigrants to New York from Russia, were avid socialists. They named him after America's leading poet, Walt Whitman, and his brother, Eugene Victor Debs Rostow, (Obituary, November 28 2002) after America's leading socialist. Walt Rostow, however, was a lifelong anti-communist. He was one of the most brilliant of that group of second-generation immigrants, many of them Jewish, who poured out of America's great private universities in the late 1930s, ready to serve as junior officers in the second world war.
Like so many of them, he was liberal in politics, fiercely ambitious in a polite, controlled style, and socially conservative. Bespectacled, civilised and a charming companion at the dinner table or on the tennis court, he was also as gung-ho as any marine, fiercely anti-communist and a believer in discipline, hard work and the American ideology.
He attended public schools in New York City, and then Yale university, at that time a bastion of the Anglo-Saxon elite. After three years as a Rhodes scholar (1936-38) at Balliol College, Oxford, where he was a contemporary of Edward Heath, Dennis Healey and Roy Jenkins, he went back to Yale to do a PhD, and taught economics at Columbia.
He volunteered for the army and served in Europe as a major in the glamorous intelligence unit, the Office of Strategic Services (OSS), widely derided as standing for "oh-so-social". After the war he joined the state department in Washington as assistant chief of the German-Austrian division, and later worked for the Marshall Plan in Europe. Then came a year teaching history at Oxford and later at Cambridge, and in 1950 he returned to Boston to teach at the Massachussets Institute of Technology.
At MIT, he was also active at its centre for international affairs, one of the places where Cold War doctrine, nuclear theory and "regional studies" were being forged in those years. He was also writing his best-known work, The Stages of Economic Growth. Not by chance, it was sub-titled, An Anti-Communist Manifesto.
In it, Rostow tried to find a common pattern in the history of the economic growth of different societies, from the traditional society, such as medieval Europe or ancient China, where a high proportion of the population was engaged in agriculture and trade exchanges were largely local to an age of high mass consumption, in which society generates a sustainable surplus to improve living standards. The latter part of the book was devoted to exploding Marxist theories of economic development.
The Stages of Economic Growth came under attack from economists and historians. Written from a very Anglocentric point of view, it traced the beginning of modern economic life back to late 18th-century Britain and to the United States. Its historicism is now unfashionable, and today it is despised or dismissed by left and right alike: by the left because it appears to identify economic development with uncritical adoption of American models, and by the right because of its stress on the role of government. Rostow conceded so many non-typical cases, it was said, that it is hard to identify a case that exemplified his theory.
It did, however, fit very comfortably into the mood of the Kennedy administration and its cold war liberals, and it was a huge success, both among students and policy-makers. This was the age of the liberal consensus where there was a broad acceptance of a conservative, anti-communist foreign policy, and a welfare state strategy in domestic politics. A particular merit of Rostow's book, from the standpoint of Washington's policymakers in the Kennedy and Johnson years, was that it was concerned with the third world, though Rostow's experience of developing countries was severely limited.
Rostow was already becoming well known during the Eisenhower years, alongside such other thinkers as Henry Kissinger, William Kaufman and Herman Kahn. In 1958, for example, Rostow was invited to Washington to work with Eisenhower's speechwriter, CD Jackson, on an important presidential message about the Middle East. While he was working on the Eisenhower speech, John Kennedy, then a young senator, invited Rostow out to his house in Georgetown for breakfast. Driving Rostow back to his temporary office in the state department, Kennedy surprised him both by justifying his decision to run for president at such a young age, and by praising Lyndon Johnson as the one man with a better claim on the White House.
When Kennedy became president in 1961, Rostow served for almost a year as deputy to his national security assistant, McGeorge Bundy, another Yale man who had been a wartime major, and wrote a number of speeches for the new president. In December 1961, Rostow was made counsellor to the state department and chairman of its policy planning council, with special responsibility for Mexico, among other areas.
Ten days after Kennedy's murder in 1963, James Reston wrote an article in the New York Times saying that the old Kennedy people were leaving Johnson. President Johnson called Rostow and asked him not to leave. Rostow wrote back, as he later remembered, "basically saying: 'You can count on me'." Indeed, he was invited to help draft Johnson's first state of the union speech. He remembered that Johnson told them to write shorter than they had done for Kennedy. (A Washington joke at the time was that the reason Johnson spoke so slowly was that he was dictating to a stonemason for his words to be set in stone.)
In May 1964, Rostow was asked by two members of Johnson's staff to write down his policy for dealing with Vietnam. He produced a long report, complete with a draft speech for the president. That draft was the one the president used in 1964 when, after the dubious incident of alleged North Vietnamese naval attacks in the Tonkin Gulf, the president announced the escalation of American involvement and US bombing of the north.
Rostow was a man with a deep fund of personal and institutional loyalty. He may have been a New Yorker and an ivy league liberal, but he was also a super-patriot. He was personally devoted to President Kennedy and later even more so to President Johnson, whom he regarded as a great man."The image that some have, of a swashbuckling Southwesterner shooting from the hip," he once said, "is exactly the opposite. He was an extremely careful man, careful about the correct way of doing things."
By the time Rostow took over from Bundy as national security adviser, the Johnson administration was aware that it had a tiger by the tail in Vietnam. Rostow's view remained adamant. The war must be won, and would be won. Negotiations were a waste of time, because Hanoi engaged in them only to encourage American pacifists. At the time, Rostow developed an almost ghoulish enthusiasm for flip-charts detailing the "body count" on which his policies relied, an attitude wildly at variance with his gentler virtues. Ferocity towards theoretical Asian communists contrasted strangely with his kindness to actual human beings. Between 1966, when he went to work as Johnson's national security adviser, and 1969, when he left, the whole climate had changed. Rostow never wavered in his view that the war was right, and that it could have been won. He maintained stoutly that the Johnson administration foresaw the 1968 Tet offensive, and that the offensive was not the disaster it was first perceived as, but, on the contrary, a catastrophe for the National Liberation Front, a view which is more widely held today than it was at the time.
With the peace movement gathering strength, President Johnson withdrew from the 1968 presidential election campaign in order to focus on the war without the distractions of politics. Rostow's position became more and more isolated and he became more and more unpopular, except with a small band of friends. In Cambridge, Massachussetts, as in Washington, supporters of the Vietnam war had become almost pariahs.
The Rostows - at least as their former friends saw it - went to Texas as to an exile on a barbarous shore. But they came to love Austin and to play a very full part in the life of a city that was growing rapidly and a university, where Elspeth Rostow also taught, that was shedding its provincialism. The weather was benign, and allowed Rostow to play tennis for most of the year. The Rostows found themselves in a congenial circle, whose leading lights included Lady Bird Johnson, the president's widow, his nephew Philip Bobbitt, author of The Shield of Achilles, Harry Middleton, director of the LBJ Library, and the African-American law professor and congresswoman, Barbara Jordan.
In 1991 Walt and Elspeth Rostow, together with other community leaders, founded the Austin Project. They were conscious that in an otherwise flourishing city there were large pockets of poverty and unemployment, and in their mid-70s set out to do something about it. The Project has sought to improve the delivery of services of all kinds, including education, to children and young people.
In Austin, Walt Rostow continued to research and to write. In 1998 he wrote The Great Population Spike And After, which he subtitled Reflections On The 21st Century, and in 2002 an intellectual memoir, Concept And Controversy: Sixty Years Of Taking Ideas To Market. In his 80s, he taught undergraduates each autumn, and conducted a graduate seminar each spring. As charming and as pugnacious as ever, he survived what might have been disgrace and was certainly unpopularity as an active, cheerful and still optimistic man.
He is survived by his wife, a son and a daughter.
· Walt Whitman Rostow, economic historian and presidential aide, born October 7 1916; died February 13 2003
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