2023年2月27日 星期一

George Kennan's Russia Leaves the War. George Kennan的回憶錄數本。Kremlin fury over Biden 'war criminal' comment. Vladimir Putin’s regime looks less secure. 政治下毒、暗殺重現俄羅斯。The Russia Hand: A Memoir of Presidential Diplomacy by Strobe Talbott 2003 。 OBLOMOV (《奧勃洛莫夫》1859) by Ivan Goncharov「多餘人」superfluous man



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2023.2.27


Moscow, 1918

George Kennan的回憶錄數本
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/George_F._Kennan10
George Kennan's Russia Leaves the War. George Kennan的回憶錄數本。Kremlin fury over Biden 'war criminal' comment. Vladimir Putin’s regime looks less secure. 政治下毒、暗殺重現俄羅斯。The Russia Hand: A Memoir of Presidential Diplomacy by Strobe Talbott 2003  。 OBLOMOV (《奧勃洛莫夫》1859) by Ivan Goncharov「多餘人」superfluous man

林友蘭先生的傳記資料少。 我讀過 《文學與報學》，認為很不錯。談編譯的文章，包括程滄波節譯G. Kennan的論外交人員的人文修養......
. George F. Kennan, “Training for Statesmanship,” The Atlantic Monthly, 191, no. 5 (May 1953): pp. 40-43
它幫我解答：
1941.1.6 《胡適日記》
Sir Wilmot Harsent Lewis是"博學多聞 談鋒最建的Sir Wilmot Lewis"
此奇人的簡介，請參考：
林友蘭《文學與報學‧記者大使路易士 》文星書店，1964，頁159-165。林友蘭1916- 《文學與報學》
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昔日，The Russia Hand: A Memoir of Presidential Diplomacy by Strobe Talbott 2003 只談到Vladimir Putin 崛起......
2022.3.17 侵略烏克蘭

Kremlin fury over Biden 'war criminal' comment - BBC News



2020.9.4
It is highly unlikely that the poisoning of Alexei Navalny with Novichok could have been carried out without the knowledge, order or approval of Vladimir Putin
ECONOMIST.COM


As Alexei Navalny fights for his life, Vladimir Putin’s regime looks less secure


毒害俄羅斯異見人士的致命神經毒劑是什麼？

RICHARD PÉREZ-PEÑA
在2018年西方官員指責俄羅斯企圖在英國使用諾維喬克(Novichok)暗殺一名前間諜以前，很少有人聽說過這種神經毒劑。它在周三突然再次成為新聞，因為德國聲稱是這一毒劑導致俄羅斯異見人士阿列克謝·A·納瓦爾尼(Alexei A. Navalny)的身體不適。
但數十年來，科學家、間諜和化學武器專家一直都了解並恐懼諾維喬克。這是一種由蘇聯及俄羅斯在上世紀八九十年代研發的強效神經毒素，可以以液體、粉末或氣溶膠的形式投放，據稱比在西方更有名的神經毒劑（比如VX和沙林）更致命。
這種毒素會引發肌肉痙攣，可能導致心臟停跳或是致命的肺部積液，以及對其他器官和神經細胞的損害。俄羅斯已經生產了好幾代諾維喬克，專家們說，誰也不知道它們被使用的實際頻率，因為其導致的死亡看起來並不比致命心髒病發作可怕多少，很容易騙過詳細檢驗。
這可能就是住在英國索爾茲伯里的前俄羅斯間諜謝爾蓋·V·斯克里帕爾(Sergei V. Skripal)遭遇的謀殺計劃。2018年3月4日，斯克里帕爾在一個公園被發現時幾乎已經沒有意識，沒有明顯理由懷疑他中毒——除了來訪的女兒和他一起時，也出現同樣的症狀。
英國情報機構確認該物質為諾維喬克，並指控俄羅斯下毒。這次襲擊成為重大國際醜聞，進一步冷卻了莫斯科和西方的關係。英國方面確認了俄羅斯特工的身份，稱他們飛到英國，在斯克里帕爾家的前門把手投毒，然後離開英國，留下了一系列視頻和化學證據。
總統弗拉基米爾·V·普京(Vladimir V. Putin)政府一再否認參與此事件，並提出一系列其他的可能性來粉飾，而就在索爾茲伯里襲擊發生的幾個月前，普京才宣布俄羅斯已經銷毀了所有化學武器。

斯克里帕爾曾為俄羅斯軍事情報部門工作，後來因向英國傳遞機密入獄。2010年，他通過一次囚犯交換計劃獲釋，並定居在英格蘭，為多個國家政府提供俄羅斯情報方面的建議。
無論是在俄羅斯國內還是國外，被視為克里姆林宮之敵的人不斷遭到殺害。俄羅斯間諜在暗殺中使用毒藥的做法由來已久，西方情報官員稱，俄羅斯有間諜小組受過處理和布放最危險物質的特別訓練。
斯克里帕爾和女兒尤莉亞·S·斯克里帕爾(Yulia S. Skripal)活了下來，一名去他們家調查取證的警官和一名發現了用來運送毒藥的棄置香水瓶的男子中毒，也活了下來。但該男子的女友道恩·斯特奇斯(Dawn Sturgess)因為使用香水瓶朝自己噴灑而死亡。
蘇聯在上世紀90年代初解體後，參與過其化學武器項目的科學家——有些已經移居美國——公開談到了一種被他們命名為諾維喬克的神經毒劑，這個詞是俄語“新人”的意思。1987年，有位科學家意外接觸這種毒劑，遭受了永久並最終致命的肌肉和器官損傷。1992年，去世前不久，他向一家俄羅斯報紙講述了自己的故事。

諾維喬克屬於一大類被稱為膽鹼酯酶抑製劑的化合物，被廣泛應用於藥物和毒劑中。它們會攻擊神經遞質的正常起落，那是神經細胞用來調節身體基本功能的化學物質。
神經毒劑中毒可以用阿托品和肟這樣的化學物進行治療，但即使治療成功，受害者也可能遭受持久的傷害。
這種毒劑的最早實地應用可能在1995年，當時一名俄羅斯商人和他的秘書遭到殺害。官員稱他們存在鎘（一種重金屬）中毒，但俄羅斯媒體後來報導稱，使用的毒劑就是諾維喬克。
1999年，美國與烏茲別克斯坦達成協議，幫助其拆除了一個曾經生產和測試諾維喬克的前蘇聯化學武器實驗室。
在那之後近19年時間裡，這一毒劑幾乎不再被新聞報導提及——直到在索爾茲伯里的公園裡發現那兩名生命垂危的俄羅斯人。

相關報導


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The Russia Hand: A Memoir of Presidential Diplomacy byStrobe Talbott 2003  。 OBLOMOV (《奧勃洛莫夫》1859) by Ivan Goncharov
我依索引，找出有興趣處讀，意趣橫生，(2輯照片的文字說明和編排，很有意思)，收益多，譬如說，俄國外交先知、大老 George Kennan 的三類索引；China 中的"Belgrade embassy bombing and" 等。

#自1999年底時任俄羅斯總統葉爾辛BorisYeltsin突然宣布辭職欽點普京為他的接班人，從此普京便踏上了往權力最高點的路；除了陸續贏得2000年和2004年的總統選舉，他更在2012年以壓倒性的得票率成為俄羅斯第4任總統，至今，普京仍是俄羅斯實際的最高領導人



STORM.MG
普京登門祝老長官90大壽 展現難得柔情-風傳媒
俄羅斯總統普京8日親自到他的老長官、前蘇聯聯邦安全局（KGB）


The Russia Hand: A Memoir of Presidential Diplomacy 



Strobe Talbott  (Author)




During the past ten years, few issues have mattered more to America’s vital interests or to the shape of the twenty-first century than Russia’s fate. To cheer the fall of a bankrupt totalitarian regime is one thing; to build on its ruins a stable democratic state is quite another. The challenge of helping to steer post-Soviet Russia-with its thousands of nuclear weapons and seething ethnic tensions-between the Scylla of a communist restoration and the Charybdis of anarchy fell to the former governor of a poor, landlocked Southern state who had won national election by focusing on domestic issues. No one could have predicted that by the end of Bill Clinton’s second term he would meet with his Kremlin counterparts more often than had all of his predecessors from Harry Truman to George Bush combined, or that his presidency and his legacy would be so determined by his need to be his own Russia hand.

With Bill Clinton at every step was Strobe Talbott, the deputy secretary of state whose expertise was the former Soviet Union. Talbott was Clinton’s old friend, one of his most trusted advisers, a frequent envoy on the most sensitive of diplomatic missions and, as this book shows, a sharp-eyed observer. The Russia Hand is without question among the most candid, intimate and illuminating foreign-policy memoirs ever written in the long history of such books. It offers unparalleled insight into the inner workings of policymaking and diplomacy alike. With the scope of nearly a decade, it reveals the hidden play of personalities and the closed-door meetings that shaped the most crucial events of our time, from NATO expansion, missile defense and the Balkan wars to coping with Russia’s near-meltdown in the wake of the Asian financial crisis. The book is dominated by two gifted, charismatic and flawed men, Bill Clinton and Boris Yeltsin, who quickly formed one of the most intense and consequential bonds in the annals of statecraft. It also sheds new light on Vladimir Putin, as well as the altered landscape after September 11, 2001.

The Russia Hand is the first great memoir about war and peace in the post-cold war world.


*****
Novelist Ivan Aleksandrovich Goncharov was born in Simbirsk, Russia on this day in 1812.
“A close, daily intimacy between two people has to be paid for: it requires a great deal of experience of life, logic, and warmth of heart on both sides to enjoy each other’s good qualities without being irritated by each other’s shortcomings and blaming each other for them.”
―from OBLOMOV (1859) by Ivan Goncharov
Ivan Goncharov’s 1859 masterpiece—a magnificent farce about a gentleman who spends the better part of his life in bed—brilliantly employs humor to explore the absurdities and injustices of an outmoded social order. Ilya Ilyich Oblomov is a good-hearted nobleman whose majestic slothfulness renders him incapable of making decisions or taking the simplest of actions. Raised in idyllic comfort on his family’s country estate, he has become so lazy as an adult that he lets his affairs deteriorate and allows unscrupulous people to take advantage of his weakness and good nature. Living in a shabby apartment and tended by his indolent serf, Zahar, he relies on the efforts of his increasingly exasperated friend Stolz to protect him from himself. Falling in love briefly rouses Oblomov to exert himself in courting Olga, a young woman Stoltz introduces him to, but his astonishing lethargy eventually defeats even their romance. Wildly successful upon its publication, Oblomov was taken as a slyly subversive indictment of the uselessness and corruption of the nobility, but the character of Goncharov’s superfluous man is rendered in such vivid detail and epic richness that it transcends satire and achieves iconic status, earning a place among the masterworks of Russian literature. Translated by Natalie Duddington. READ more here: https://www.penguinrandomhouse.com/…/oblomov-by-ivan-gonch…/


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Excerpt. © Reprinted by permission. All rights reserved.

CHAPTER 1

THE HEDGEHOG AND THE BEAR trinculo: A howling monster; a drunken monster! caliban: . . . Freedom, high-day! high-day, freedom! . . . stephano: O brave monster! Lead the way.
The Tempest
At noon on Monday, June 5, 2000, Bill Clinton and Vladimir Putin emerged from the Czar’s Entrance of the Grand Kremlin Palace. While they paused for a moment in the sunshine, I hovered behind them, trying to catch anything of significance that passed between them as they said good-bye. But at this moment, which brought to an end the official portion of Clinton’s fifth and final visit to Moscow as president, the nuances were all in the body language: the burly Clinton looming over the welterweight Putin, the ultimate extrovert still trying to connect with the coolest of customers who just wasn’t buying.

As they shook hands one last time, I pocketed my notebook and hustled down the steps to take my place on a jump seat in the rear of the armored Cadillac that had been flown in from Washington for the summit. John Podesta, Clinton’s chief of staff, and Sandy Berger, his national security adviser, were already on the seat behind me, crammed together to leave plenty of room for the president. Once Clinton had settled into place, he looked out at Putin through the thick bullet-proof window, put on his widest grin and gave a jaunty wave.

As the limousine pulled away from the curb and sped across the cobblestone courtyard, Clinton slumped back and a pensive look came over his face. Usually he found these events, including the ceremonial sendoffs, exhilarating. Not this time. The talks over the past three days had been inconclusive, not so much because the two leaders had been unable to agree as because Putin had not even tried. Clinton had come to Moscow hoping to make progress toward a number of objectives: reconciling a new American missile-defense program with long-standing arms control treaties; coordinating U.S. and Russian diplomacy in the Balkans; ending Russian military assistance to Iran. Clinton had also registered concern over Putin’s domestic policies, especially the crackdown he’d launched against the leading independent television network, the deals he was cutting with the communists at the expense of reformist parties and the war he was waging in Chechnya.

On all these issues, Putin had given Clinton what was calculated to seem a respectful hearing, but Clinton knew a brush-off when he saw one. Missile defense was a complex problem, Putin had said with a mildness of tone that belied the firmness of his message: precipitous American deployment would jeopardize Russia’s interests and provoke a new round of the arms race. As for the targets of his get-tough policy, they were criminals, not champions of democracy and free speech. And Chechnya was a nest of terrorists; America’s own international Public Enemy Number One, Osama bin Laden, had contributed to the infestation there, so the U.S. should be supporting Russia’s campaign against a common enemy. On all these subjects, Putin urged Clinton to rethink American policy and the assumptions on which it was based.

Clinton felt patronized. It was no mystery what Putin’s game was: he was waiting for Clinton’s successor to be elected in five months before deciding how to cope with the United States and all its power, its demands and its reproaches. Putin had, in his own studied, cordial and oblique way, put U.S.-Russian relations on hold until Clinton, like Putin’s predeces- sor, Boris Yeltsin, had passed from the scene. Realizing that, Clinton had even more to think about as he headed toward the western outskirts of Moscow, where Yeltsin was now living in retirement.

The Cadillac barreled out of the Kremlin through the Borovitsky Gate and took a sharp right turn. The rest of the motorcade, including several vans full of press, tried to follow but was stopped by Russian security police and diverted directly to Vnukovo Airport, south of Moscow, where Air Force One was waiting.

With a motorcycle escort, Clinton’s limousine hurtled down the center of the eight-lane artery out of the city he’d first visited thirty years before. Clinton remarked on various landmarks as we sped past: the massive Russian State Library, once named after Lenin, where the presiding presence was now a statue of Dostoyevksy; the glitzy nightclubs, casinos and designer boutiques of the New Arbat, Yeltsin’s biggest restoration project when he was running the city in the late eighties; the Russian White House, which had been, at different times, the scene of Yeltsin’s greatest triumph, the command center of his most implacable enemies and the scene of a spasm of bloodletting from which neither he nor his country had recovered nearly seven years later. As we crossed the river and headed out of the city along Kutuzovsky Prospect, Clinton recalled that it had been the route Napoleon used to march into Moscow with the Grande Armée in 1812. That set him to musing in three directions at once: about Russia’s vulnerability to invasion, its close but complex ties to the West and its preoccupation with its own history.

I’d heard riffs like this from Clinton over the years, going back to when I’d first known him in the late sixties. Russia had always been a subject that stirred him when, for one reason or another, it came to his attention. But that had happened only episodically. As a governor in the seventies and eighties, he’d had more reason to think about Japan as a source of foreign investment and as a market for Arkansas rice. He’d brought me into his administration to think full-time about Russia and the former Soviet Union while he went about being president, which he expected would mean concentrating on the American economy.

Then, almost immediately, events in Moscow and the importuning of the man shakily in charge there thrust upon Clinton the portfolio he’d hoped I’d handle for him. It became apparent that being president meant, much more than he’d anticipated, doing the heavy lifting in the management of relations with a giant nation that was reinventing itself and, in doing so, reinventing international politics and requiring us to reinvent American foreign policy.

By the spring of his first year in office, Clinton had become the U.S. government’s principal Russia hand, and so he remained for the duration of his presidency.

Within twenty minutes after leaving the Kremlin, we reached the capital’s high-rent exurbia, where modern redbrick cottages had sprouted amid leftovers of the old power structure—sprawling VIP dachas, rest homes and clinics behind stucco walls or high green wooden fences. After slowing down to navigate a narrow potholed road, we arrived at Gorky-9, a heavily guarded complex where Yeltsin had been living since his last years in office, largely because it was near the Barvikha sanatorium that cared for him during his numerous and prolonged illnesses.

Yeltsin was waiting at the front door, his wife, Naina, on one side and, on the other, Tatyana Dyachenko, his younger daughter. As the car slowed to a stop, Clinton remarked that Yeltsin’s face was puffy, his complexion sallow; he looked stiff and propped up.

Over the eight years they had known each other, Clinton and Yeltsin often bantered about the advantage of both being six foot two: it was easier for them to look each other in the eye. Now, as the limousine rolled to a stop and Clinton scrutinized his host through the window, he noted that Yeltsin seemed to have lost an inch or two since they had last been together, seven months before, when Yeltsin had still been in office.

After Clinton got out of the car, he and Yeltsin embraced silently for a full minute. Yeltsin kept saying, in a low, choked voice, “moi drug, moi drug”—my friend, my friend. Then, clasping Clinton’s hand, he led the way through a foyer into a living room bright with sunlight pouring through a picture window that looked out on a manicured lawn and a stand of birches. They sat in gilt oval-backed chairs next to a sky blue tile stove while Naina bustled about, serving tea and generous helpings of a rich multi-layered cake that she proudly said she’d been up half the night baking.

Clinton settled in for what he expected would be a relaxed exchange of memories and courtesies, but Yeltsin had work to do first. Turning severe, he announced that he had just had a phone call from Putin, who wanted him to underscore that Russia would pursue its interests by its own lights; it would resist pressure to acquiesce in any American policy that constituted a threat to Russian security. Clinton, after three days of listening to Putin politely fend him off on the U.S. plan to build an anti-missile system, was now getting the blunt-instrument treatment.

Yeltsin’s face was stern, his posture tense, both fists clenched, each sentence a proclamation. He seemed to relish the assignment Putin had given him. It allowed him to demonstrate that, far from being a feeble pensioner, he was still plugged in to the power of the Kremlin, still a forceful spokesman for Russian interests and still able to stand up to the U.S. when it was throwing its weight around.

Clinton took the browbeating patiently, even good-naturedly. He had seen Yeltsin in all his roles—snarling bear and papa bear, bully and sentimentalist, spoiler and dealmaker. He knew from experience that a session with Yeltsin almost always involved some roughing up before the two of them could get down to real business.

When the chance came, Clinton steered the discussion toward the subject of where Russia was heading under Putin. But Yeltsin wasn’t yet ready to yield the floor. He had more to say about the past.

I was on a couch, across from the two men, listening intently as they talked. Seated next to me was Tatyana, whom I had seen in passing only once in more trips to Moscow than I could count. When Yeltsin launched into a self-congratulatory account of how he had maneuvered Putin from obscurity into the presidency over fierce resistance, Tatyana looked at me and nodded solemnly. She leaned toward me and whispered, “It really was very hard, getting Putin into the job—one of the hardest things we ever pulled off.”

I noticed the “we.” I was meant to. She wanted me to know it was true what they said: even though she had kept out of the public eye, including during state visits, she really had been one of Yeltsin’s most influential confidants. It was as though she had decided to make her first appearance onstage in a curtain call.

As Naina plied her husband and his guests with more tea and cake, Yeltsin rambled on, but the refrain was simple: Putin was “a young man and a strong man.” Yeltsin kept returning to these two attributes—youth and strength—as though they were the essence both of what Russia needed and of what he, by promoting Putin, had hoped to preserve as his own legacy.

When Yeltsin finally wound down, Clinton gently took control. He too had one piece of business to do. He wasn’t sure, he said, how “this new guy of yours” defined strength, either for himself or for the nation. Putin seemed to have the capability to take Russia in the right direction, but did he have the values, instincts and convictions to make good on that capability? Why, Clinton wondered aloud, was Putin so ready to make common cause with the communists, “those people you, Boris, did so much to beat back and bring down”? Why was Putin putting the squeeze on the free press, “which, as you know, Boris, is the lifeblood of an open and modern society”?

Yeltsin nodded solemnly, but he didn’t answer. All the pugnacity, swagger and certainty had gone out of him.

“Boris,” Clinton continued, “you’ve got democracy in your heart. You’ve got the trust of the people in your bones. You’ve got the fire in your belly of a real democrat and a real reformer. I’m not sure Putin has that. Maybe he does. I don’t know. You’ll have to keep an eye on him and use your influence to make sure that he stays on the right path. Putin needs you. Whether he knows it or not, he really needs you, Boris. Russia needs you. You really changed this country, Boris. Not every leader can say that about the country he’s led. You changed Russia. Russia was lucky to have you. The world was lucky you were where you were. I was lucky to have you. We did a lot of stuff together, you and I. We got through some tough times. We never let it all come apart. We did some good things. They’ll last. It took guts on your part. A lot of that stuff was harder for you than it was for me. I know that.”

Yeltsin was now clutching Clinton by the hand, leaning into him.

“Thank you, Bill,” he said. “I understand.”

We were running late. There was a quick group photo on the veranda, some hurried good-byes and another bear hug.

“Bill,” said Yeltsin, “I really do understand what you said. I’ll think about it.”

“I know you will, Boris,” said Clinton, “because I know what you have in here.” Clinton tapped Yeltsin on his chest, right above his ailing heart.

Back in the car, Clinton was, for several minutes, even more somber than during the ride out. He looked out the window at the birch trees glinting in the sunshine that lined the country road leading back to the highway.

“That may be the last time I see Ol’ Boris,” he said finally. “I think we’re going to miss him.”
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產品詳細資訊

  • Paperback: 512 頁
  • 出版商：Random House Trade Paperbacks； Reprint 版本 (2003年5月13日)
  • 語言： English

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奧勃洛莫夫
作者伊凡·亞歷山大羅維奇·岡察洛夫
出版地俄國
語言俄語
出版日期1859
上一部作品《巴拉達號遊記》
下一部作品《懸崖》
《奧勃洛莫夫》（俄語：Обломов）是發表於1859年的長篇小說，俄國小說家岡察洛夫的代表作。小說生動地塑造了奧勃洛莫夫這個「多餘人」[1]的形象，他善良，正直，對令人窒息的現實不滿，追求寧靜生活。但他不想行動起來改變現實，也不願從事任何具體事務。小說真實細緻的描繪了「多餘人」這批貴族青年發展到最後的生活狀態，發表後即受到評論界的重視，今日已被公認為描繪俄國民族性格的經典作品[2]。

創作過程[編輯]


岡察洛夫
1849年，因《平凡的故事》一書嶄露頭角的岡察洛夫在《當代人》雜誌上發表了短篇小說《奧勃洛莫夫的夢》，寫貴族子弟奧勃洛莫夫在夢境中對寧靜的田莊生活和幼年經歷的回憶[3]。《奧勃洛莫夫的夢》發表後，文學界普遍認為岡察洛夫會寫出一部長篇傑作。但1851年作家的母親去世，第二年他作為普提雅廷的秘書，參加了環球考察。一路上他處於疲勞和疾病中，無暇繼續創作。1855年岡察洛夫回到俄國，埋頭於各種行政事務和遊記《戰艦巴拉達號》的撰寫中。直到1857年，他才開始重寫《奧勃洛莫夫》。1859年起小說發表在《祖國紀事》的第1-4期上，《奧勃洛莫夫的夢》成為其中的第九章[4]。

評論與影響[編輯]


杜勃羅留波夫
小說剛發表，列夫·托爾斯泰就評價道：「這是一部真正的傑作，許久未見的傑作」，持激進立場的杜勃羅留波夫則迅速發表著名評論文章《什麼是奧勃洛莫夫性格》，認為這種性格是農奴制給俄國人帶來的內在性格，認為岡察洛夫對奧勃洛莫夫性格的一些讚揚是「不公正的」[5]。小說給俄語帶來了新詞彙「奧勃洛莫夫性格」，列寧後來也常用「奧勃洛莫夫性格」來批評機構中存在的官僚主義和低效率。
而岡察洛夫自己在1866年寫道：「我想描寫一個誠實，和善，有吸引力的人物，一個走向極端的理想主義者，最終陷入漠然與無助。」他對奧勃洛莫夫的態度並非嚴厲的批判，而只是帶有同情筆調的描寫他的真實生活狀態[6]。

改編的影視作品[編輯]

  • 1964年喜劇《奧勃洛莫夫的兒子》一劇在倫敦西區劇院上演，由斯派克·密利甘（spike milligan）主演。
  • 1980年尼基塔·米卡哈爾科夫把《奧勃洛莫夫》改編成電影《奧勃洛莫夫》（DVD名《奧勃洛莫夫一生中的幾天》），獲得國家評論協會最佳外語片獎[7]

參考文獻[編輯]

  1. 移至^ 多餘人指的是俄國小說里的一批典型人物，包括普希金的葉甫根尼·奧涅金，萊蒙托夫的畢巧林，屠格涅夫的羅亭和岡察洛夫的奧勃洛莫夫等人，他們都是貴族知識分子，不願合流於令人窒息的生活，又不願有所行動，成為社會多餘的人。
  2. 移至^ Galya Diment，Goncharov's Oblomov: a critical companion，Northwestern University Press，1998，page 1
  3. 移至^ 張英倫主編，外國名作家傳（上），1979
  4. 移至^ Galya Diment，Goncharov's Oblomov: a critical companion，Northwestern University Press，1998
  5. 移至^ 杜勃羅留波夫《什麼是奧勃洛莫夫性格？》
  6. 移至^ Galya Diment，Goncharov's Oblomov: a critical companion，page 12
  7. 移至^ 《奧勃洛莫夫》 在網際網路電影資料庫（IMDb）上的資料（英文）

2012年4月30日 星期一


《奧勃洛莫夫》Oblomov by Ivan Goncharov, 「多餘人」superfluous man

《奧勃洛莫夫》有人民文學出版社等的版本   陳馥譯

维基百科，自由的百科全书《奧勃洛莫夫》（俄語：Обломов）是發表於1859年的長篇小說，俄國小說家岡察洛夫的代表作。小說生動地塑造了奧勃洛莫夫這個「多餘人」[1]的形象，他善良，正直，對令人窒息的現實不滿，追求寧靜生活。但他不想行動起來改變現實，也不願從事任何具體事務。小說真實細緻的描繪了「多餘人」這批貴族青年發展到最後的生活狀態，發表後即受到評論界的重視，今日已被公認為描繪俄國民族性格的經典作品[2]。



Oblomov (Russian: Обломов)[1] is the best known novel by Russian writer Ivan Goncharov, first published in 1859. Oblomov is also the central character of the novel, often seen as the ultimate incarnation of the superfluous man, a symbolic character in 19th-century Russian literature. Oblomov was compared[citation needed] to Shakespeare's Hamlet as answering 'No!' to the question "To be or not to be?" Oblomov is a young, generous nobleman who seems incapable of making important decisions or undertaking any significant actions. Throughout the novel he rarely leaves his room or bed and famously fails to leave his bed for the first 150 pages of the novel.[2] The book was considered a satire of Russian nobility whose social and economic function was increasingly in question in mid-nineteenth century Russia.
The novel was wildly popular when it came out in Russia and a number of its characters and devices have had an imprint on Russian culture and language. Oblomovshchina (Russian: Обломовщина, or oblomovism) has become a Russian word used to describe someone who exhibits the personality traits of sloth or inertia similar to the novel's main character.

目錄

創作過程


岡察洛夫
1849年，因《平凡的故事》一書嶄露頭角的岡察洛夫在《當代人》雜誌上發表了短篇小說《奧勃洛莫夫的夢》，寫貴族子弟奧勃洛莫夫在夢境中對寧靜的田莊生活和幼年經歷的回憶[3]。《奧勃洛莫夫的夢》發表後，文學界普遍認為岡察洛夫會寫出一部長篇傑作。但1851年作家的母親去世，第二年他作為普提雅廷的秘書，參加了環球考察。一路上他處於疲勞和疾病中，無暇繼續創作。1855年岡察洛夫回到俄國，埋頭於各種行政事務和遊記《戰艦巴拉達號》的撰寫中。直到1857年，他才開始重寫《奧勃洛莫夫》。1859年起小說發表在《祖國紀事》的第1-4期上，《奧勃洛莫夫的夢》成為其中的第九章[4]。

內容

第一部

貴族青年奧勃洛莫夫為一封田莊來信心神不安，很早就醒了，卻一直在床上躺著計劃著如何對田莊進行改革。他打算起床，但是和老僕人扎哈爾說了兩句又睡 下了。幾個客人來訪，帶來了要交房租等消息，讓他更加煩悶。他回憶起自己的成長，覺得自己不習慣運動、生活、人群和忙碌，更喜歡遁入內心，生活在自己創造 的世界裡。朋友走後，奧勃洛莫夫掙扎著給田莊寫回信，沒寫完又為賬本和搬家的事煩惱起來。大夫建議他多運動，出國療養，他覺得很懊喪。扎哈爾說了一句「別 人不比我們差，人家能搬來搬去，我們也行」傷了奧勃洛莫夫的自尊，引來了他的大段內心獨白，他稱自己「不是不行動，而是在苦思苦想，怎麼才能讓我的農民不 受窮。」他最後決定推遲回信和訂計劃的時間，先睡上一小時。奧勃洛莫夫夢到了他的故鄉-奧勃洛莫夫田莊。他不用操心衣食住行，也不用關心領地事務，到了各 種節日自有美食和活動，一切都很寧靜美好。

第二部

好友施托爾茨精力充沛，做事積極。他的來訪打亂了奧勃洛莫夫的生活，他帶著奧勃洛莫夫在彼得堡四處交際和辦事，忙了一周。奧勃洛莫夫憤怒了，他認為 這個社會裡大家雖然都在努力的勞動，但心裡充滿了嫉妒，漠然，昏睡的心智，他質問施托爾茨「這麼拚命幹活是為什麼？為什麼不能安靜地享受生活？」他描繪了 他心中嚮往的田莊寧靜生活。施托爾茨則說這是一種「奧勃洛莫夫精神」他以奧勃洛莫夫年輕時要改變俄羅斯的理想和追求激勵他，告訴他：
要麼，現在就起來，要麼，永遠不起來！
。在施托爾茨的激勵下，奧勃洛莫夫努力改變了自己，但還是拖延了出國行程，等不及的施托爾茨托朋友奧莉加照顧奧勃洛莫夫，以免他回到無所事事的生活 中去。不久奧勃洛莫夫愛上了奧莉加。在 愛情的感召下，奧勃洛莫夫開始郊遊，欣賞戲劇、音樂。奧莉加遇到不懂的地方就會問他，他則不得不潛心鑽研各種書籍，弄清楚告訴他，終於奧莉加接受了奧勃洛 莫夫的求愛。

第三部

面對令人窒息的生活和想騙他錢的朋友，奧勃洛莫夫感到愛情會被生活吞沒，「詩篇逐漸結束，嚴肅的故事就要開始」，想到繁瑣的婚前準備和家庭生活的種 種事端，他就覺得這不是生活。他要找新房子，卻發現由於自己長期逃避，已經簽了很多的債，索性暫住在租的房子里，讓房東太太阿加菲婭·馬特維耶夫娜把自己 的衣食住行照顧起來，倒覺得挺寧靜的。奧莉加催奧勃洛莫夫和自己的嬸娘談結婚的事，奧勃洛莫夫才發現自己債務很多，雖想下鄉整頓田莊，但只是託付給了一個 代理人（實際是個騙子）以便省麻煩。奧莉加感到改變奧勃洛莫夫的生活方式實屬幻想，絕望的她和奧勃洛莫夫分手了。奧勃洛莫夫重又穿回了他慵懶生活的象徵- 大袍子，臥床不起。

第四部

奧勃洛莫夫病好之後常長時間陷入沉思不語之中，代理人貪污了他的大部分田莊收入，只把一小部分寄給他，他也渾然不知。加菲婭·馬特維耶夫娜愛上了 他，把房屋的清潔、他的衣食住行、各種節日的應酬活動都接手過來，用有限的錢讓他過上舒適的日子。奧勃洛莫夫也感到了寧靜溫暖。施托爾茨受奧莉加的委託回 到彼得堡，看到他的這種生活，也只能說他是打算「永遠不起來了」。塔蘭季耶夫則計劃利用奧勃洛莫夫和房東太太的曖昧敲詐他一萬盧布。
一年半後，田莊上的所有收入都被直接挪去付一萬盧布的債務。房東太太開始典當了自己東西維持家用。施托爾茨再次來訪，告訴他自己和奧莉加結婚了，奧 勃洛莫夫真誠的祝賀他的朋友。施托爾茨幫他廢止了敲詐的借據，料理起他的田莊來，奧勃洛莫夫真正從內心底感到了安寧。幾年後他中風了，面對最後一次來勸自 己動起來的施托爾茨，他激烈的拒絕見奧利加，對施托爾茨說道：
我的弱點已經使我跟這個坑長在一起了，你若把我拉開，我就會死。
他把自己的兒子託付給了施托爾茨，就再也不說話了，兩年後奧勃洛莫夫安詳的死在了床上。[5]。

主要人物

  • 伊利亞·伊里奇·奧勃洛莫夫：年輕貴族，善良且溫柔，卻耽於幻想、無所作為。
  • 扎哈爾：奧勃洛莫夫家的老僕人，沒有文化，忠誠守舊，既肯為奧勃洛莫夫去死，也會像其他僕人一樣貪他買東西的錢。
  • 施托爾茨：奧勃洛莫夫的同齡人，一起長大的好友，父親是德國人。大學畢業後他父親就讓他去彼得堡謀生，不要留在田莊。精力旺盛，積極進取。這一角色是作為奧勃洛莫夫的對立面存在的，岡察洛夫後來自己說，這個人物「寫得不好，表現的太赤裸裸了」[6]
  • 奧莉加：和岡察洛夫其他小說的女主角一樣，年輕、活潑、充滿熱情[7]。
  • 加菲婭·馬特維耶夫娜·普舍尼岑：文官普舍尼岑的遺孀，奧勃洛莫夫租她的房子住，照顧奧勃洛莫夫的起居，成了他的妻子。

評論與影響

杜勃羅留波夫
小說剛發表，列夫·托爾斯泰就評價道：「這是一部真正的傑作，許久未見的傑作」，持激進立場的杜勃羅留波夫則迅速發表著名評論文章《什麼是奧勃洛莫夫性格》，認為這種性格是農奴制給俄國人帶來的內在性格，認為岡察洛夫對奧勃洛莫夫性格的一些讚揚是「不公正的」[8]。小說給俄語帶來了新詞彙「奧勃洛莫夫性格」，列寧後來也常用「奧勃洛莫夫性格」來批評機構中存在的官僚主義和低效率。
而岡察洛夫自己在1866年寫道：「我想描寫一個誠實，和善，有吸引力的人物，一個走向極端的理想主義者，最終陷入漠然與無助。」他對奧勃洛莫夫的態度並非嚴厲的批判，而只是帶有同情筆調的描寫他的真實生活狀態[9]。

改編的影視作品

  • 1964年喜劇《奧勃洛莫夫的兒子》一劇在倫敦西區劇院上演，由斯派克•密利甘（spike milligan）主演。
  • 1980年尼基塔•米卡哈爾科夫把《奧勃洛莫夫》改編成電影《奧勃洛莫夫》（DVD名《奧勃洛莫夫一生中的幾天》），獲得國家評論協會最佳外語片獎[10]

參考文獻

  1. ^ 多餘人指的是俄國小說里的一批典型人物，包括普希金的葉甫根尼·奧涅金，萊蒙托夫的畢巧林，屠格涅夫的羅亭和岡察洛夫的奧勃洛莫夫等人，他們都是貴族知識分子，不願合流於令人窒息的生活，又不願有所行動，成為社會多餘的人。
  2. ^ Galya Diment，Goncharov's Oblomov: a critical companion，Northwestern University Press，1998，page 1
  3. ^ 張英倫主編，外國名作家傳（上），1979
  4. ^ Galya Diment，Goncharov's Oblomov: a critical companion，Northwestern University Press，1998
  5. ^ 岡察洛夫，《奧勃洛莫夫》，陳馥，鄭揆譯，人民文學出版社，2005
  6. ^ 岡察洛夫，《奧勃洛莫夫》，陳馥，鄭揆譯，人民文學出版社，2005，第4頁
  7. ^ Galya Diment，Goncharov's Oblomov: a critical companion
  8. ^ 杜勃羅留波夫《什麼是奧勃洛莫夫性格？》
  9. ^ Galya Diment，Goncharov's Oblomov: a critical companion，page 12
  10. ^ 網際網路電影數據庫（IMDb）上《奧勃洛莫夫》的資料
ʅ==外部連結==

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