2017年7月17日 星期一

No Enemies, No Hatred 兩本《劉曉波傳》“刘晓波不会用流亡换出狱” Perry Link on Mo Yan


No Enemies, No Hatred

Selected Essays and Poems

Liu Xiaobo

Edited by Perry Link

Tienchi Martin-Liao

Liu Xia

Foreword by Vaclav Havel

  • A Wall Street Journal Book of the Year, 2011
When the Nobel Peace Prize was awarded on December 10, 2010, its recipient, Liu Xiaobo, was in Jinzhou Prison, serving an eleven-year sentence for what Beijing called “incitement to subvert state power.” In Oslo, actress Liv Ullmann read a long statement the activist had prepared for his 2009 trial. It read in part: “I stand by the convictions I expressed in my ‘June Second Hunger Strike Declaration’ twenty years ago—I have no enemies and no hatred. None of the police who monitored, arrested, and interrogated me, none of the prosecutors who indicted me, and none of the judges who judged me are my enemies.”
That statement is one of the pieces in this book, which includes writings spanning two decades, providing insight into all aspects of Chinese life. These works not only chronicle a leading dissident’s struggle against tyranny but enrich the record of universal longing for freedom and dignity. Liu speaks pragmatically, yet with deep-seated passion, about peasant land disputes, the Han Chinese in Tibet, child slavery, the CCP’s Olympic strategy, the Internet in China, the contemporary craze for Confucius, and the Tiananmen massacre. Also presented are poems written for his wife, Liu Xia, public documents, and a foreword by Václav Havel.
This collection is an aid to reflection for Western readers who might take for granted the values Liu has dedicated his life to achieving for his homeland.


  • Foreword by Václav Havel
  • Introduction by Perry Link
  • Part I. Politics with Chinese Characteristics
    • Listen Carefully to the Voices of the Tiananmen Mothers: Reading the Unedited Interview Transcripts of Family Members Bereaved by the Massacre
      • Poem: Your Seventeen Years
      • Poem: Standing amid the Execrations of Time
    • To Change a Regime by Changing a Society
    • The Land Manifestos of Chinese Farmers
    • Xidan Democracy Wall and China’s Enlightenment
    • The Spiritual Landscape of the Urban Young in Post-Totalitarian China
      • Poem: What One Can Bear
      • Poem: A Knife Slid into the World
    • Bellicose and Thuggish: The Roots of Chinese “Patriotism” at the Dawn of the Twenty-First Century
    • State Ownership of Land Is the Authorities’ Magic Wand for Forced Eviction
    • A Deeper Look into Why Child Slavery in China’s “Black Kilns” Could Happen
    • The Significance of the “Weng’an Incident”
  • Part II. Culture and Society
    • Epilogue to Chinese Politics and China’s Modern Intellectuals
    • On Living with Dignity in China
      • Poem: Looking Up at Jesus
    • Elegy to Lin Zhao, Lone Voice of Chinese Freedom
    • Ba Jin: The Limp White Flag
      • Poem: Alone in Winter
      • Poem: Van Gogh and You
    • The Erotic Carnival in Recent Chinese History
      • Poem: Your Lifelong Prisoner
    • From Wang Shuo’s Wicked Satire to Hu Ge’s Egao: Political Humor in a Post-Totalitarian Dictatorship
    • Yesterday’s Stray Dog Becomes Today’s Guard Dog
      • Poem: My Puppy’s Death
    • Long Live the Internet
    • Imprisoning People for Words and the Power of Public Opinion
  • Part III. China and the World
    • Behind the “China Miracle”
    • Behind The Rise of the Great Powers
      • Poem: To St. Augustine
      • Poem: Hats Off to Kant
    • The Communist Party’s “Olympic Gold Medal Syndrome”
    • Hong Kong Ten Years after the Handover
    • So Long as Han Chinese Have No Freedom, Tibetans Will Have No Autonomy
      • Poem: One Morning
      • Poem: Distance
    • Obama’s Election, the Republican Factor, and a Proposal for China
  • Part IV. Documents
    • The June Second Hunger Strike Declaration
      • Poem: You • Ghosts • The Defeated
    • A Letter to Liao Yiwu
      • Poem: Feet So Cold, So Small
    • Using Truth to Undermine a System Built on Lies: Statement of Thanks in Accepting the Outstanding Democracy Activist Award
    • Charter 08
    • My Self-Defense
    • I Have No Enemies: My Final Statement
    • The Criminal Verdict: Beijing No. 1 Intermediate People’s Court Criminal Judgment No. 3901 (2009)
  • Bibliography
  • Acknowledgments
  • Index



13 December 2012

Perry Link on Mo Yan

Mo YanThe Chinese writer Mo Yan accepted the Nobel prize in literature this week in Stockholm, offering remarks that further fanned the flames of controversy surrounding his selection. After being dismissed by Salman Rushdie as a “patsy of the régime” for his failure to support the release of jailed Chinese dissident Liu Xiaobo, and having his Nobel selection decried by Chinese artist and agitator Ai Weiwei as “an insult to humanity and to literature,” the author defended censorship as necessary, likening it to airport security checks.
Few observers could fail to note the contrasting responses to Mo Yan’s honor this year and to Liu Xiaobo’s in 2010, when he was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize. Whereas in 2010 the Chinese government denounced and boycotted the award, this time the state has proudly received the honor, even announcing plans to spend $110 million making Mo Yan’s home village a “Culture Experience Zone.”
Some of the Chinese people, on the other hand, evince a response less warm. In a long consideration of Mo Yan’s work and Nobel recognition, Perry Link quotes the satirist Wang Xiaohong imagining Alfred Nobel’s distress:
Two years ago my people gave a prize to a Chinese, and in doing so offended the Chinese government. Today they gave another prize to a Chinese, and in doing so offended the Chinese people. My goodness. The whole of China offended in only two years.
Link, a co-editor of No Enemies, No Hatred, our recent volume of Liu Xiaobo’s writings, and author of a forthcoming inquiry into the workings of the Chinese language, An Anatomy of Chinese, outlines a series of recent statements and actions which have contributed to wide disappointment in Mo Yan’s politics. For his part, Mo Yan asks that his writing be allowed to exist apart from his extratextual political positioning. While acknowledging the complications of any such compartmentalization, Link points to the larger question of “how and to what extent a writer’s immersion in, and adjustment to, an authoritarian political regime affects what he or she writes.”
Link notes Mo Yan’s focus on society’s downtrodden, the “poor farmers who are bullied and bankrupted by local officials,” but contrasts his attention paid with that of dissident writers like Liu Xiaobo and Zheng Yi. “Liu and Zheng,” Link writes, “denounce the entire authoritarian system, including the people at the highest levels. Mo Yan and other inside-the-system writers blame local bullies and leave the top out of the picture.”
Link also highlights Mo Yan’s libidinous “black humor,” the characteristic most often lauded by his supporters, but points to such writing’s usefulness to the regime for its obscuring of the past and its function as a “safety valve.” Link cites Liu Xiaobo’s 2004 article “The Erotic Carnival in Recent Chinese History,” excerpted here from No Enemies, No Hatred:
In the years since the Tiananmen massacre, the rampant materialism of the power elite’s moves to privatize wealth has given rise in China to a consumer culture that has grown ever more hedonistic, superficial, and vulgar, and the social function of this materialism has been to bolster the dictatorial political order. Sarcasm in the entertainment world has turned into a kind of spiritual massage that numbs people’s consciences and paralyzes their memories; incessant propaganda about “the state drawing close to the people” reinforces the notion that the government is the savior of the people—who accordingly are its servants. Meanwhile an erotic carnival of products in commercial culture invite entry, real or fantasized, into a world of mistresses, prostitutes, adultery, one-night stands, and other forms of sexual abandon. The craze for political revolution in decades past has now turned into a craze for money and sex.
In this situation, sexual indulgence becomes a handy partner for a dictatorship that is trying to stay on top of a society of rising prosperity. Chinese people were so repressed during the Mao era, sexually and otherwise, that when ideas about freedom trickled in from the outside, many of them had great appeal. But while ideas about political freedom—speech, assembly, elections, and so on—could have led to a liberation in the Chinese people of humanity’s best qualities, and could have brought dignity to individuals, the idea of sexual freedom did not support political democracy so much as it harked back to traditions of sexual abandon in China’s imperial times. It siphoned interest in freedom toward thoughts of concubinage, elegant prostitution, and the bedroom arts as they are celebrated in premodern pornography. This has been just fine with today’s dictators. It fits with the moral rot and political gangsterism that years of hypocrisy have generated, and it diverts the thirst for freedom into a politically innocuous direction.
Link ends his piece by granting the unusual path chosen by Liu Xiaobo, and admitting the impropriety of spectators who “enjoy the comfort of distance” demanding that Mo Yan risk all to follow it. “But it would be even more wrong,” he concludes, “to mistake the clear difference between the two.” Or, put glibly, not all subversion is subversive.


This undated image provided by Voice of America shows Chinese dissident Liu Xiaobo who won the 2010 Nobel Peace Prize Friday Oct. 8, 2010. (AP Photo/voanews.com)
(德国之声中文网)英国BBC英文报道,在刘晓波获得诺贝尔和平奖两周年之际,与刘晓波家庭关系密切的消息人士称,中国当局正在向刘晓波妻子刘霞施加压 力,以迫使刘晓波流亡国外;消息人士还透露刘霞在贴身的两位女警的监视和多位便衣警察监视住宅的情况下,受到极大的"精神折磨"。
In this Sept. 28, 2010 photo, Liu Xia, wife of Chinese dissident Liu Xiaobo speaks during an interview in Beijing, China. When the police came for Liu Xiaobo that night nearly two years ago, they didn't tell the dissident-author the reason for taking him away. The line in the detention order for "motive" was blank. But everyone in Liu's dark Beijing apartment knew exactly why. Liu was hours from releasing a call for peaceful political reform in China that would represent the democracy movement's most comprehensive demand ever _ and that would earn Liu multiple nominations for this year's Nobel Peace Prize. (AP Photo/Andy Wong) 刘霞
正被北京警方软禁的维权人士胡佳向德国之声透露在一个多月前的一个晚上,通过特殊方式让刘霞打开窗帘向外凝望,胡佳站在刘霞家的楼外,用智能手机的灯闪、 及轻声呼唤刘晓波和刘霞家人对其的昵称"傻瓜,胡佳",尽力使刘霞能够看到自己,因为不能惊动监禁警察,双方没有语言交流:"她还是光头的样子,戴着眼 镜,那种氛围让我感到她是特别孤独无助的。因为声音比较低,我并不确定她是否听清楚了这些话,如果她能听清楚,她就能明白我是去找他的,我希望这种探望, 尽管我们不能够相互说一句完整的话,但是让她知道有朋友在时刻关注她的状态,为她的自由在行动。"


曾任中共前总书记赵紫阳秘书、中国知名民主人士鲍彤向德国之声表示,他已经有两年无法与刘霞会面,很担忧她的处境,同时他也对中国当局 对刘晓波判刑和软禁刘霞再次提出质询:"他们是用哪条法律呢?如果中国政府准备依法治国,就应该把自己的法律条文向全世界宣布。他们根据什么法律把《零八 宪章》宣布为'颠覆中国政权'?刘晓波不管境况如何,毕竟是经过所谓法院审判,对刘霞软禁是根据哪条法律,不说清楚,只说根据中国的法律,这是搪塞,说中 国有自己的法律这就是说不准备依法治国,因为中国的法律就是没有法律。我希望再有媒体记者问的时候,中国发言人应该有点进步。"
一直呼吁中国当局释放刘晓波、恢复刘霞自由的独立中文笔会会长廖天琪在接受德国之声采访时认为,刘霞当前处境也让中国当局大失形象的同时感到更加棘手: "中国独裁政府没有变通办法,走到一个死巷也必须走下去,如果新的执政者没有一个办法把刘霞释放,以此为指标我们不要对新的执政者进行政改、平反六四等抱 有希望。"
FILE -- In this Sept. 28, 2010 file photo, Liu Xia, wife of Chinese dissident Liu Xiaobo, speaks during an interview in Beijing, China. Liu Xia, the wife of Nobel Peace Prize winner Liu Xiaobo, said in a Twitter message that she had been under house arrest since Friday Oct. 8, 2010. (AP Photo/Andy Wong/file) 刘霞的摄影作品
廖天琪透露,确实在前段时间经由一些渠道听闻,中国当局想让刘晓波流亡,刘晓波拒绝接受这种附条件的自由,廖天琪坚信刘晓波即使在狱中,这种坚守其实也是 推动一种有力量的行动:"如果用出国当作出狱的条件,我想他不会答应的。刘晓波他现在已经成为一个精神符号,不止是一个政治犯或异议人士,确实也代表中国 一部分知识群体的良心、道德、责任。他不会接受政府的收买或开恩而离开监狱,这也表示他们不会屈服于权力的。"
 ***Das Pressebild darf nur in Zusammenhang mit einer Berichterstattung über die Ausstellung verwendet werden***
This Tuesday, Feb. 7 2012 photo shows 2010 Nobel Peace Prize winner Liu Xiaobo holding a doll in a detail of a photograph by his wife, Chinese artist Liu Xia on display at during a preview of "The Silent Strength of Liu Xia" exhibit at The Italian Academy in New York. The photos were spirited out of China just before Liu was placed under house arrest after her husband, imprisoned in 2009 for urging democratic reform, won the Nobel. Her works are censored in her native country. The exhibition opens Thursday, Feb. 9, 2012. (Foto:Mary Altaffer/AP/dapd) 2010年诺贝尔和平奖颁奖仪式上特为刘晓波设置的"空椅子"
胡佳表示透过刘晓波早前作品已明其志,既成为中国变革和观察和见证者,胡佳认为中共将刘晓波关在狱中,也承担了世界范围内的巨大压力,如果释放,又担心刘 晓波接下来会推动《零八宪章》进入实施阶段、促成国际社会和中国民间、知识界的联动,以推动中国的宪政民主等,因此中共应该愿意将刘晓波流亡海外,割断其 与中国的联结:"当局在这方面其实很恐惧,他们不希望中国出现哪怕软禁中的昂山素季一样的人物,他们把这个风险预估得很高。"
胡佳引用昂山素季"我们的存在就是一种抗议", 认为刘晓波会有和昂山素季、曼德拉等人一致的选择:"对于刘晓波来说,他作为诺贝尔平奖获得者在中国监狱的存在,就等于在中共脸上浓墨重彩的写下'侵犯人 权的凶手',也反衬中共的丑陋,这三年多来晓波在看守所或监狱,他会知道在这个国家坚守会有什么样的价值,如果出去的话对他的理想的实现就会弱很多。"

余杰《劉曉波傳》即將在台灣出版 我取得清樣一讀......201?




Yu Jie, 余杰, a Dissident Chinese Writer Continues H...







一九八八年曉波完成了博士論文的撰寫,這也是對自由進行深化的一大努力。他的論文題目是《審美與人的自由》,其中一個核心觀點便是「因審美得自由」。當時美學討論很熱烈,而康德(Immanuel Kant)的哲學也相當流行;在這一時代背景之下,曉波所選擇的論題可以說是順理成章的。但是他特別強調「美」與「自由」之間的關係,顯然由於受到了康德的啟發。康德在他的第三《批判》(The Critique of Judgment,中譯《判斷力批判》)中對這一問題有深入的論斷:我們對於純粹的「美」的判斷必須超出一切利害(disinterested)之上,也不能在「美」的物件(如自然界的花)之外,賦予它以任何外在的目的。康德稱這樣一種精神狀態是「自由的」(free)。換句話說,人只有處在這樣一種「自由」狀態之下才能成就美感的判斷。(他稱此為「自由的美」,free beauty)。這裡毋須追究曉波和康德之間的異同,但曉波論文的主旨是要使我們對於自由的理解深入到哲學的層次,則是十分明顯的。所以,《審美與人的自由》這部專論必須看作是曉波在深化自由方面所取得的重大成績。但曉波關於自由的最後、同時也是最圓熟的理解,則見於《零八憲章》。《憲章》第二節〈我們的基本理念〉劈頭便說:


 貝嶺《犧牲自由 - 劉曉波傳》德语版

Start | 2011.01.14



贝岭:不是忽然写,因为21年前我就写过跟刘晓波最早交往的三年回忆,那篇文章在刘晓波获奖之前被《法兰克福汇报》发表,(德国的)出版社看到这篇 文章后通过汉学家找到了我,出版社就是希望在刘晓波获奖之后,在圣诞节之前有一本书告诉德国人。我正好在写我自己的回忆录的时候已经整理出来几万字的和刘 晓波有关的笔记和内容,后来我发现我手上有关刘晓波的东西已经很多了,我就试一试继续把这本书完成,所以它并不是在一个很短的时间内完成的,但是却在最后 一个半月的时间内彻底地变成了一本书。这本书就成了除中文之外的第一本(《刘晓波传》)。

贝岭:其实我是他的老朋友,我不是他最亲密的朋友,因为我们毕竟有十年没再见过面,我们最后一次通电话是在入狱前的一年。我说是老朋友是我认识他的 时候很多人还不认识他,我们又是同事,我们是哈维尔自传的中文翻译,中文出版里,刘晓波最早是我的推手,我当时创办中文笔会,他是我最主要的支持者和国内 组织会员的人。也就是说我们就是文学同事和笔会同事,他是我哈维尔自传最主要的帮助者和促成者。这些历史使我和他的关系不是一般意义上的朋友关系。但应该 说,在后来这些年,我不是他最亲密的朋友,因为不在一个国家了,也有很多分歧,我对他的很多方式不支持不赞成,主要是在笔会以后。他对于我也有很多的批 评。也就是说,我们从来都是直言不讳的老朋友。老朋友的优点是可以直言不讳,而好朋友就很难,因为涉及到利益关系,这种关系我们没有。

《刘晓波传》德语版(Der Freiheit geopfert - Die Biographie von Liu Xiaobo) 直译 《牺牲自由 - 刘晓波传》)Bildunterschrift: Großansicht des Bildes mit der Bildunterschrift: 《刘晓波传》德语版(Der Freiheit geopfert - Die Biographie von Liu Xiaobo) 直译 《牺牲自由 - 刘晓波传》) 

贝岭:我想,我跟他之间是非常直率的友谊, 而且认识那么多年,其实彼此之间用他的话讲就是"不玩虚的了",我唯一关心的事里面有没有对他来说不真实或不准确的。刘晓波看完以后,他通过他人眼中的" 我",他本身受过存在主义哲学影响,他人眼中的我其实是最好让你看清自己的(我)。不是你心目中的你,也不是崇拜者心目中的你,也不是大弟子余杰心目中的 你,就是一个你曾经的老朋友或者说现在又回来的老朋友写你。

贝岭:最大的重点就是我今天在讨论会上说的六四。其实严格上来讲,这本书是由大量的资料铺成重要历史事件里的刘晓波,其实这本与其说是刘晓波传,到 不如说通过刘晓波我来探讨知识分子在中国历史里产生的影响和作用的审视,它并不是一般意义上的传,因为对于那些细节我并没有花太多时间,比如刘晓波的父母 叫什么,他的兄弟姐妹,他童年的生活怎么样,这些我都没有花时间去讨论,我更加着魔于他在重要事件里做为如此丰富复杂的一个人的特点。这个特点才是我这本书想要呈现的。也想通过刘晓波呈现后面很多当代中国的知识分子以及当代中国的历史。而且我还常用第一人称写,写我和他。所以说不是传统的传记,但确实涵盖 了他一生里的主要生活。
科隆大学汉学系教授司马涛在朗读《刘晓波传》的德文版Bildunterschrift: Großansicht des Bildes mit der Bildunterschrift: 科隆大学汉学系教授司马涛在朗读《刘晓波传》的德文版 记者:您的眼中,刘晓波在生活里到底是个什么样的人?

贝岭: 没有,那没有。我只是说不要再以这种方式经过北京,感觉就是比较意外,因为我没有准备,感觉他们随时可能让我消失,这是我的意外,但是没有任何人挡得住我 写的书。不管是写他还是写其他人。我觉得写刘晓波是意外,如果不是他获诺贝尔和平奖,他将只是在我的回忆里一部分、几万字探讨刘晓波。

贝岭:他获奖的时候,我非常意外,因为没想到刘晓波这么快就获奖,因为一般提很多年才有可能。甚至我认为他需要的是自由,不是桂冠,自由比桂冠重要。现在我想,刘晓波获奖以后可能离自由更远了。但是我很快就认为这个奖对中国的反对运动从抽象意义上是个巨大的鼓舞,而且我们看到产生了像冲击波一样的 (影响),在媒体和网络没有控制的那一个星期里,我每天都会注意这个变化。