A Former French President Gives a Voice to Obstinate Russian Sympathies
Remarks by Nicolas Sarkozy have raised fears that Europe’s pro-Putin chorus may grow louder as Ukraine’s plodding counteroffensive puts pressure on Western resolve.
“People tell me Vladimir Putin isn’t the same man that I met. I don’t find that convincing. I’ve had tens of conversations with him. He is not irrational,” he told Le Figaro. “European interests aren’t aligned with American interests this time,” he added.
His statements, to the newspaper as well as the TF1 television network, were unusual for a former president in that they are profoundly at odds with official French policy. They provoked outrage from the Ukrainian ambassador to France and condemnation from several French politicians, including President Emmanuel Macron.
2012年12月13日06:59 AM
希拉克回憶錄——法國右翼政治入門
英國《金融時報》副評論編輯德爾菲娜•施特勞斯
戴高樂主義政治家阿蘭•朱佩(Alain Juppé)上周說:“在政界,除非肉體死亡,否則總有可能捲土重來。”他指的是法國主要反對黨人民運動聯盟(UMP)。在經歷了一場激烈的領導權爭奪以後,他稱之為“瀕死但未亡”。這場爭奪險些導致這個他曾領導的政黨分崩離析。
但他也可能指的是他的政治生涯導師、法國前總統雅克•希拉克(Jacques Chirac)。在法國政壇現存偉大的政治家中,希拉克位列其中。在2002年建立UMP的正是希拉克,此舉試圖結束法國中右翼長達數十年自相殘殺式的分裂,而希拉克自身的經歷證明,他擅長利用這些爭鬥一步步問鼎總統寶座。任何想要搞清楚當前混亂狀況的人,都可以把希拉克的最新英譯版回憶錄當作入門讀物。
一位傳記作者友人整理了對希拉克的訪談,寫成了《我的政治生涯》(My Life in Politics)一書,記述了希拉克擔任要職的40年經歷。該書從希拉克在喬治•蓬皮杜(Georges Pompidou)手下擔任就業國務秘書開始,希拉克說,當時他勸阻了工會參加1968年的學生抗議活動。本書終於希拉克第二次擔任法國總統,在第二任期內他因反對伊拉克戰爭而遭美國深惡痛絕,不過在國內飽受讚譽。
在這40年中,不管是擔任總理還是總統,在大多數時間裡,希拉克要么與左翼、要么與信仰相仿的競爭對手一起治理法國。在這二者中,與不同陣營構建的共存政府看上去更加容易駕馭一些。希拉克在社會黨總統弗朗索瓦•密特朗(François Mitterrand)任職期間擔任法國總理時,艱難推動經濟改革的通過,這段經歷讓他領教了這種安排的“優缺點、微妙博弈與有利制約”。當希拉克接任密特朗入住愛麗舍宮時,密特朗把家具擺回原位,就像當初夏爾•戴高樂(Charles de Gaulle)的擺設一樣,展示了對希拉克的歡迎姿態,這就是二人的友好關係。
比之下,希拉克與同一陣營的競爭對手之間的關係總是矛盾重重。按照希拉克的敘述,與如今UMP兩敗俱傷的鬥爭關聯最大的,是他與中間派總統瓦萊里•吉斯卡爾•德斯坦(Valéry Giscard d'Estaing)之間的長期不和;後來與愛德華•巴拉迪爾(Edouard Balladur)之間的鬥爭;以及他對極右翼國民陣線(National Front)崛起的處理。
希拉克描述吉斯卡爾“睿智過人,但明顯喜歡輕視別人”。巴拉迪爾是台“冷酷的計算器,毫不掩飾地認為自己比我身邊的人優越。”
這樣的敵意產生了長期後果。在吉斯卡爾執政時,希拉克擔任法國總理,這段任期很短暫,充滿艱辛。隨後希拉克創建了戴高樂主義的保衛共和聯盟(RPR),吸引走了人們對總統的法蘭西民主聯盟(UDF)的支持。他先是與吉斯卡爾一派的候選人競爭,當上了巴黎市長,然後在1981年直接與吉斯卡爾在總統大選中競爭,分走了一部分中右翼的選票,讓密特朗撿了便宜。
在此類行動中,希拉克被指責為老謀深算的叛徒。反過來,他從未原諒他曾經的門徒巴拉迪爾,因為後者在1995年的總統競選中與他競爭,也從未原諒另一位門徒尼古拉•薩科齊(Nicolas Sarkozy),因為薩科齊在那次總統競選中支持巴拉迪爾。
今天右翼的分裂似乎既是源於個人野心或者個人仇隙,也是源於意識形態。不過讓這一理論變得複雜的是,UMP令人不安地混合了各種政治傳統——戴高樂主義者、中間派人士、自由派和一股更為強硬、更加民粹化的右翼。薩科齊的領導為這個聯盟注入了活力,但一點也沒有澄清其思想。
在这一点上,希拉克的经历也使问题更加清楚。希拉克从来不是右翼理论家,他坚决拒绝与让-玛丽•勒庞(Jean-Marie Le Pen)创建的党派和解。这位前总统曾就移民的“噪音和味道”发表过一番愚蠢的言论,并且从未洗刷掉这段污点。不过他绝不排外,反而真心地欣赏阿拉伯世界和其他文明。在这本充满自我辩解的书中,希拉克明确表示,他的一个遗憾是在勒庞进入2002年第二轮选举之后,未能组建一个民族团结的政府。
上个月,希拉克年满80岁,据称他对其政党中的苦差事兴致缺缺。即便在退休后因过去的贪腐丑闻名誉受损,希拉克在民调中始终是法国最具人气的政治人物。
UMP可能需要认真思考那些赋予他如此广泛吸引力的品质。希拉克面对选民总是和蔼可亲,平易近人,始终能够符合选民心目中一位总统应该如何表现的设想——不管是在竞选活动中尽情大吃地方佳肴,还是在世界舞台上以恢宏的方式维持法国价值观。
尽管他精通权谋,为达目的不择手段,但希拉克赞成戴高乐关于法国的愿景:法国“在全世界的命运和地位,根源于其对本国特质的极致了解”。
Pompidou, Georges Jean Raymond (zhôrzh pôNpēdū'), 1911-74. French political leader, president of France (1969-74). Georges Pompidou taught school and then served in World War II until the fall (1940) of France, when he returned to teaching. In 1944 he served on the staff of General de Gaulle and later became a trusted aide. Joining the Rothschild banking firm in 1954, he soon became its director-general. He remained an important adviser to de Gaulle, and in 1962 President de Gaulle named him premier. During the 1968 strikes and riots in France, Pompidou emerged as a strong figure. Not long afterward, however, he was dismissed as premier by de Gaulle. After de Gaulle's resignation in 1969, Pompidou was elected president with the solid support of the Gaullist party. He immediately began to deal with France's economic problems, devaluing the franc and instituting a price freeze. In foreign affairs, he attempted to improve French relations with other countries and rejected de Gaulle's policy of opposition to Great Britain's entry into the European Community. Despite rumors that he was gravely ill Pompidou remained in office; he died of cancer.
這本書內幾乎無一法文字。 無索引。
這就是蓬皮杜
***
与诸多人物不同,乔治·篷皮杜这位共和国伟大的总理和伟大的总统生来没有对权力的癖好。他之所以登上政治舞台,主要是出于求知欲和对一位杰出人物的忠诚所驱使,而非个人野心。
在生前的五十二年,他曾先后担任过中学教师、特派员、旅游助理于事、政治学院副教授、最高行政法院审案官和一家银行的代理人。乔治·蓬皮杜干活节奏飞 快,凭一时兴致工作,以充分利用并享受业余时光。他是1位好丈夫,好同事,他充满活力,业余爱好烹饪、绘画和诗歌。这位具有超常天赋者却也是怀疑论者。他 幽默地注视生活,并后退一段距离审视现实。
1958年6月至12月,他在戴高乐将军身旁默默无闻地工作,提供了极其宝贵的支持,帮助将军奠定 了第五共和国体制基石,并为使法兰西顺利加入欧洲经济共同体做好准备。但六个月之后,当使命完成时,他立即离开了金碧辉煌的爱丽舍宫,恢复自由的生活。在 经历这一短暂的插曲三年之后,他终于未能摆脱命运的安排,命运让他两次逃脱暗杀,并成为国家元首。五十一岁时,戴高乐推举他担任政府总理,此后他便介入政 治,但并不确信会以此为生涯。然而在巨人戴高乐的卵翼下度过数年之后,他对职责产生兴趣,甚至在穿越奇特的艰难险阻后,准备继承戴高乐的事业。
前言
第一部分 杰出的文学艺术爱好者
卑微而低下的出身
发现巴黎
乌尔姆街
一见钟情
沐浴在普罗旺斯的阳光下
战火的洗礼
普通的法国人
相遇戴高乐
从桑戈尔到马尔罗
巴黎名流界
与将军在汽车上
秘密使命
第二部分 巨变
总理
儒奥事件
保安部队官兵的悲剧
杀手追踪
蓬皮杜,看清前面的路!
未来不属于魔鬼,密特朗先生
巨变
棘手的难题
面对骚乱
格勒内勒谈判
最漫长的一天
穿越荒漠
在莫里亚克家用晚餐
第三部分 对法兰西的雄心壮志
难以大白于天下的真相
好好睡吧,爸爸!
共和国总统
艾吕雅的超现实主义
新社会
月薪化
蓬皮杜先生,我们为您感到耻辱!
法兰西成为孤儿!
非洲之行
让英国人进来
沙邦想标新立异
伙伴和混蛋
强大的工业和繁荣的法兰西
空中客车
我没有想到会遭受如此的磨难
尾声
资料来源和文献目录
注释
乔治·蓬皮杜经历与业绩年谱
感谢
第一部分 杰出的文学艺术爱好者
卑微而低下的出身
“蓬皮杜,您的名字仿佛在嘲弄世界,似乎不够严肃,”戴高乐曾对他年轻的特派员说过,“如果您想有一天做成什么事情,您必须换个名字。”后来,见他居然取 得成功,戴高乐又补充说:“蓬皮杜,您这个总理居然起了个自行车运动员的名字。”实际上,这一姓氏的大概意为“小薄饼”或者“收费桥”,但这又有什么关系 呢?
曾祖父雅克·蓬皮杜既不识字,也不会写。他有两个儿子,长子皮埃尔继承他在沙泰涅雷高原上位于凯尔西与上奥弗涅交界处的诺卡兹庄园。这里出神甫、奶酪和火 山,养育出比马更强壮、更具阳刚气、灵巧略逊山羊、固执胜过骡子的男子汉。小儿子子让图,即乔治的祖父则不得不在哥哥家当雇工,以期积攒下两千法郎迎娶女 裁缝玛丽亚努。作为嫁妆,玛丽亚努给他带来一架缝纫机。
凭借这点可怜的资产,新婚夫妇得以在马蒂内的乌斯塔莱安家落户,孤零零的一座小屋淹没在栗树丛中的葡萄架下。他们生育了三个孩子。如果说两个大孩子后来成 为农夫的话,小学教师M·茹瓦——一位还俗的修道士——则“鼓励”三儿子莱昂学习,因为他在放猪的同时,学习要比两个哥哥好。
在那个时代里,每个村庄都为自己的小学和小学生团队感到自豪。每逢7月14日,孩子们便头戴轻便军帽或饰有红色绒球的贝雷帽,身着短工装和海蓝色裤子,跟 在红旗后面游行。他们在小学教师、一位或两位本土保卫军(1914年前由后备役军人组成——译注)军官的率领下,神气活现地肩背按照他们身材做成的、刺刀 磨成圆形的枪支,唱道:
*****
(前法國總統喬治‧龐畢度在周恩來總理陪同下遊覽大同/騰訊大家網)
Claude Pompidou, Art Patron, Dies at 94
PARIS, July 3 (AP) — Claude Pompidou, the publicity-shy widow of Georges Pompidou, the former French president, died Tuesday in Paris. She was 94.
The Claude Pompidou Foundation announced her death but gave no cause. Georges Pompidou died in office on April 2, 1974.
Passionate about modern art, particularly the work of the French artist Yves Klein, Claude Pompidou was instrumental in the creation of a modern art museum that bears her husband’s name. Opened in 1977, the audacious, tube-covered Pompidou Center is one of Paris’s most popular museums.
She was also committed to philanthropy. Her foundation, set up in 1970, helps disabled children, the elderly and hospital patients.
Timid and reserved, she had difficulty adjusting to life in the limelight, once calling the presidential Élysée Palace “a house of sadness.”
“I cannot say that the weight of political life was pleasurable for me,” she said in a 2004 interview with Le Figaro. “But it was destiny, absolute destiny.”
Claude Jacqueline Cahour, the child of a doctor, was born on Nov. 13, 1912, in Château-Gontier, a town in the west-central Mayenne region. She met her future husband in Paris, when she was a first-year law student. The couple married in her hometown in 1935.
Her survivors include a son, Alain, a professor.
****
The Gleam in Pompidou's Eye
By Michael Peppiatt;
Published: July 10, 1994
THE MAKING OF BEAUBOURG A Building Biography of the Centre Pompidou, Paris. By Nathan Silver. Illustrated. 206 pp. Cambridge, Mass.: The MIT Press. $24.95.What proves most intriguing in Mr. Silver's swift-paced narrative is the number and variety of the people who were vitally involved in this vast, costly undertaking and the multitude of pressures, crises and unforeseen twists and turns that characterized the building of Beaubourg -- or the Pompidou Center, as it is officially but less commonly called -- from its conception to its opening and beyond. The cast of characters ranges from central protagonists like the two main architects, Renzo Piano and Richard Rogers, whose practice had been not in Paris but in London and Genoa, and their counterparts from the global engineering firm Ove Arup to an array of experts in fields as diverse as fire safety and the philosophy of color to an army of specialist contractors, Government officials and assorted cultural bigwigs.
The frequently nightmarish succession of hidden technical problems, severe budget cuts, political uncertainty (Valery Giscard d'Estaing was elected President after Pompidou's death in 1974), group infighting, lawsuits and unabating public criticism makes a surprisingly gripping tale. The facts are presented without too much specialist detail or jargon, and in the end -- whether one admires Beaubourg as a building with all its innards on the outside and as a cultural center or not -- one can only admire the conviction and fortitude of the people who brought it into being against odds that were clearly all but overwhelming.
Perhaps the most appealing part of this narrative is the point at which the then little-known firm Piano & Rogers learns that out of the 681 designs submitted, the international jury set up for Beaubourg has chosen its plan. The young architects and their partners from Ove Arup have barely assimilated the news before they are spirited away to meet Pompidou at the Elysee Palace. "They were shown into the reception room," Mr. Silver recounts. "There were five very low elegant chairs facing a huge desk, behind which was a large and quite high chair. . . . Pompidou came in briskly and sat down in his thronelike chair behind the desk. His audience agreed later that they all noticed the same thing: the soles of his shoes were polished." Pompidou appeared equally fascinated with what the young winners, unprepared for full French honors, were wearing: an array of denim, baggy tweed and flower-power shirts, as well as one unforgettable red Mickey Mouse sweatshirt.
After a round of elegant receptions and much flattering attention, the winning team began to encounter the kinds of unexpected difficulties that were to dog them all the way until completion date. Communication was an early problem, given the little French they had among them, although the language gap also proved a boon because it insulated them during a crucial initial period from demoralizing criticism. Quarrels over fees and schedules and misunderstandings of every kind, against a background of shifting political interests, meant that the project might have been taken bit by bit out of the winners' hands. With impressive resourcefulness and not a little help from their skillful French allies, the British-Italian-Danish team made it to the homestretch. And even then there were plenty of hair-raising episodes, such as the huge piazza in front of the center not being paved until 48 hours before the inauguration.
Today Beaubourg appears as inevitable a part of the Paris landscape as the Eiffel Tower, which created much the same brouhaha in its time. Now that this versatile cultural center ranks as one of the great tourist attractions of Europe and exudes the authority of a 20th-century Louvre, it is useful to remember how precarious and bitterly contested a project it was less than two decades ago.
Photo: An entrance to the Pompidou Center in Paris. (FROM "THE MAKING OF BEAUBOURG")
****
オルセー美術館が改名へ。故・ジスカールデスタン元大統領の ...
https://bijutsutecho.com › magazine › news › headline
2021/03/31 — パリを代表するふたつの美術館、オルセーとオランジュリーがともに改名し、昨年新型コロナウイルスのため94歳でこの世を去った第20代フランス大統領、ヴァレリー・ジスカールデスタンの名前を冠することになった。
Mémoires[modifier | modifier le code]
Entre 1988 et 2006, il publie en trois tomes ses mémoires, intitulés Le Pouvoir et la Vie et édités par sa fille Valérie-Anne.
《德斯坦回憶錄--政權與人生》北京:世界知識出版社,1991。此書為三卷回憶錄之第一卷。
瓦萊里·吉斯卡爾·德斯坦 Valéry Giscard d'Estaing | |
---|---|
第20任法國總統 安道爾大公 | |
任期 1974年5月27日-1981年5月21日 | |
總理 | 賈克·席哈克(1974年-1976年) 雷蒙·巴爾(1976年-1981年) |
前任 | 喬治·龐畢度 (正任) 阿蘭·波厄 (代理) |
繼任 | 法蘭索瓦·密特朗 |
個人資料 | |
出生 | 1926年2月2日 威瑪共和國科布倫茨 |
逝世 | 2020年12月2日(94歲) 法國歐通 |
政黨 | 法國民主聯盟(1978年-2002年) 人民運動聯盟(2002年-2004年) |
配偶 | Anne-Aymone Sauvage de Brantes |
母校 | 巴黎綜合理工學院 國家行政學院 |
宗教信仰 | 天主教 |
中國大陸 | 瓦萊里·吉斯卡爾·德斯坦[1] |
---|
瓦萊里·勒內·馬里·喬治·吉斯卡爾·德斯坦[註 1](法語:Valéry René Marie Georges Giscard d'Estaing,法語發音:[valeʁi maʁi ʁəne ʒɔʁʒ ʒiskaʁ dɛstɛ̃] ( 聆聽);1926年2月2日-2020年12月2日),法國經濟學家[2]、政治家,前任法國總統兼安道爾大公。被譽為歐盟憲法之父、現代歐元之父[2]。
譬如說 講漢武帝的大家都知道指的是毛澤東
那麼此篇大概沒有意有所指
勃列日涅夫與殭屍主義作者:英國《金融時報》中文網專欄作家連清川【作者微博】
健忘恐怕是人類最頑固的症狀之一了。在伍迪•艾倫一部名為《愛與罪》的電影中,有一句極具哲學意味的台詞,大意是,人類似乎有一種特殊的本能,去忘卻令人悲傷的事實,並以此作為生存的手段。
僅僅過了20年,我們都已經不大記得在世界上曾經存在過一個與美國分庭抗禮的大帝國:蘇聯。不僅僅在我們的生活中,這個過氣的名詞毫無意義;在90後的世界裡,恐怕是聞所未聞呢。當然,其實我們知道,它曾經如此緊密地和中國的歷史與現實息息相關,甚至,它是人民共和國得以締造的關鍵性因素之一。
在那個國家裡,曾經有過一群叱吒風雲、揮斥方遒的帝王將相。不過,他們的名字在“現代”已經杳然無踪。連列寧、斯大林、赫魯曉夫、勃列日涅夫和戈爾巴喬夫都難得一見,更何況像托洛茨基、米高揚、朱可夫或者安德羅波夫這些人呢?
歷史之涼薄,有時委實叫人感傷。
在蘇聯的諸領袖之中,勃列日涅夫又總是被人遺忘。不過,在各種研究文獻中,勃列日涅夫時期卻算是整個蘇聯70多年曆史中最清明承平的時光:沒有大規模的屠殺和清洗,國民的生活顯著提高,國力強盛堪與美國相提並論,太空競賽令社會主義揚眉吐氣。 2011年12月出版的、中國社會科學院陸南泉研究院的著作《走近衰亡:蘇聯勃列日涅夫時期研究》卻要對此作一次“解毒”,明言這段時期,乃是令蘇聯在1991年分崩離析的致命時刻。勃列日涅夫可比明朝的萬曆皇帝。
勃列日涅夫乃是在1964年10月蘇聯最高政治層面針對赫魯曉夫的“宮廷政變”中上台的。按照陸南泉的研究,他之所以能夠上台,恰恰因為他文化程度不高,性格並不突出,能夠平衡各方等因素所致。然而,這個“在權力鬥爭和安插幹部方面不用別人去教他的”庸人,卻在最高領袖寶座上一坐18年,一直到1982年死去。
即便陸南泉已經做了提純,翻看這本書也是一個索然無味的過程。勃列日涅夫可以算作一個懶惰的領袖,在政治經濟上均無太大的動作,除了在第一個五年計劃中似乎曾經令人看到了改革的跡象之外,他的整個執政生涯無波無浪,既無斯大林殺人無算的鐵腕殘暴,亦無赫魯曉夫千奇百怪的政治丑劇,更無他的後任戈爾巴喬夫開啟“人道社會主義”的喜劇情形。應該說,在蘇聯的歷史上,把他看成一個“好人領袖”似乎不算太過分的評價,其實,當今的俄羅斯人甚至也是這麼看的。
但恰恰是在這個時期裡,勃列日涅夫為蘇聯埋下了所有的禍根。在經濟上,勃列日涅夫經過短暫的振興之後,拒絕再對蘇聯的經濟政策做任何的變更,計劃經濟體制在他的手上殊無變化,而只是一味沿襲斯大林時期的政策,正如他自己所說的“改革,改革……誰還需要改革?”他認為蘇聯已經進入了“發達社會主義”階段,剩下的不過就是籌備共產主義而已。政治上,他雖然並不像斯大林那樣屠戮政治對手,但是也排擠流放了所有的政敵,成為集黨政軍三權於一身的名副其實的專制者,不但拒絕向民主變更,反而把乾部終身製、老年化當成維護政權穩定的不二法門;在外交上,他發動了兩場不折不扣的侵略戰爭,布拉格之春和入侵阿富汗,蘇聯成為純粹的霸權主義國家。
《走近衰亡》除了陸南泉的研究之外,還收納了包括聞一、高放、秦曉等數位學者的見解。除了聞一之外,多數專家無不以為勃列日涅夫開啟了蘇聯的“衰亡世”。然而我卻懷有深刻疑問:若要言衰亡,必有興盛。蘇聯自立國之後列寧的短暫執政,其後便是斯大林的紅色恐怖,而後是赫魯曉夫的獨腳喜劇,再便是勃列日涅夫的殭屍政策,哪裡有過興盛時期?整個蘇聯的歷史,現如今看起來,都像是一個不可思議的人類悲劇集中表演,從何而談興盛?
而勃列日涅夫時代,在我看起來,更為準確的表達,不過是蘇聯體制中固有的殭屍主義的複活劇而已。
曾經擔任勃列日涅夫政策高參的阿爾巴托夫在蘇聯解體之後,出版過一本影響甚大的回憶錄《蘇聯政治內幕:知情者的見證》。陸南泉引用阿爾巴托夫的話說,1968年布拉格之春事件“在助長國內的保守趨勢中起到了重要作用,這種趨勢最終導致了一個停滯時期。”
所謂的保守趨勢,也就是否定赫魯曉夫對於斯大林的否定,回到斯大林的趨勢,也就是我說的殭屍主義。我敢說,這幾乎就是勃列日涅夫以及蘇聯的命定軌道,也就是其後戈爾巴喬夫試圖另闢蹊徑進行開明改革所必然要經歷失敗的原因,也才是蘇聯未曾經歷興盛就已然衰亡的先天不足。
所謂的殭屍主義,無非由三個層面構成:
其一是拒絕改革的政經體制。在斯大林否定了列寧試圖挽回部分資本主義元素的新經濟政策之後,蘇聯就進入了計劃經濟體制。其本質就是後來勃列日涅夫一再強調的對市場經濟的批判。在政治上,元首獨攬、黨政一家乃是其本質特徵,所有在這個方面的變更企圖,都以被鎮壓而告終。
其二是思維方式的保守與專制。在政治和文化思考上,在意識形態的控制上,在社會輿論的導引上,只能容許一種聲音的出現,任何其餘的聲響都被列入雜音,以破壞穩定為罪名,統統給予棒殺。民主乃敏感詞,無論在黨內還是黨外。既然思維方式只有一種,那麼與此不同的任何思維,社會事務也好、法律事務也好、環境事務也好、企業事務也好,一切事務都是政治事務,與統一聲音不協調的,就全是異議聲音,乃是“反黨反社會言論”,必得嚴懲。在書中所提到的“持不同政見者運動”,雖有多個分支,在勃列日涅夫政權那里便只有一個結果:封殺。
其三是權貴階層的不斷擴張。維護穩定的價格就是給國家機器的維護人群以特殊的待遇——權勢名利。書中提到,斯大林時期享受各種特供、特權和特別待遇的人員,占到總人口的1.5%,而勃列日涅夫時期這一人數還在不斷擴大。他們乃是整個社會腐敗的基本元素,不僅僅因為他們享有與勞動不成比例的成果,而且破壞社會的體制和規則,使對於製度的尊重難以樹立。然而的確,就是他們依靠權力維持著國家的“穩定”,以保證勃列日涅夫與他們自己能夠永恆享受這般美好生活。
許多人,包括本書的作者與專家,都似乎期望以蘇聯作為鏡鑑,警醒中國政治勿滑落蘇聯的陷阱。我卻以為不然,因為以勃列日涅夫的所作所為與蘇聯的發展歷程,並不能照進中國的現實。
中國目前的發展,與勃列日涅夫時代幾乎走了一條相反的道路,在經濟上中國引進了市場製度,並且運行尚屬良好;在思維上,社會與民間的力量日益增強,倒逼政治層面不斷變化與開明。權貴階層儘管也大量存在,也是“社會穩定”的主要來源,但以官僚技術化為主要趨勢的製度確然已經形成。
當然我並不以為中國已經擺脫了殭屍主義政治的幽靈,但是顯然蘇聯所提醒我們的恰恰不在於其零敲碎打的變革機巧,而是其整體崩潰的基本命運。戈爾巴喬夫的改革緣何失敗?在於殭屍主義的魂靈從斯大林遺留給赫魯曉夫,從赫魯曉夫再輸送給勃列日涅夫,它在蘇聯已經埋藏得太過於深厚,以至於每一個細小的變化,都足以撼動體制的根基。戈爾巴喬夫無路可走必須改,一改便是崩塌。
中國已然行進到了現代社會的邊緣。市場的運行有其自然規則,必然需求政治體制與社會體制的適應性變更。比之蘇聯,中國已經建立起了基本轉化的條件,只是殭屍主義的魂靈卻不斷地循環往復,頑強而執著。
回顧往事固然感傷,但看透本質卻是必然。群情洶湧的社會與殭屍主義的政治行將進入明晰的對抗,勃列日涅夫雖然說不上是什麼準確的前車之鑑,然而他所面臨與深化的痼疾,卻時刻都若隱若現地在中國的土地上浮沉。若以為他的衰亡不過是他自己的故事,那麼戈爾巴喬夫的悲劇就在前方等待。
(本文僅代表作者本人觀點。 編輯:薛莉)
勃列日涅夫传-作者:(俄)谢尔盖·谢曼诺夫|译者:孙静萱|校注:赵秋长
说明:
列昂尼德·伊里奇·勃列日涅夫前苏列昂尼德·伊里奇·勃列日涅夫联政治家,曾任苏联共产党中央第一书记,苏联最高苏维埃主席团主席和军队最高领导人。他在 任期间,苏联的军事力量大大增强,核武器的数量超过美国,成为军事上的超级大国,但是苏联国内的福利也有很大的发展。对外方面他注重外交,推行“有限主权 论”,声称当华沙条约成员国的社会主义政权受到威胁时,苏联可以进行武力干涉,此为臭名昭著的勃列日涅夫主义。他1968年派军队侵略捷克斯洛伐克。 1976年5月,他成为苏联元帅。1977年至1982年他去世前,任苏联最高苏维埃主席。1979年,由于阿富汗新政府取消了亲苏联的政策,他发动了阿 富汗战争,成为导致苏联衰落和最终解体的重要因素之一
Leonid Brezhnev
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Leonid Ilyich Brezhnev Леонид Ильич Брежнев | |
In office 14 October 1964 – 10 November 1982 | |
President | Nikolai Podgorny Anastas Mikoyan Himself |
Prime Minister | Alexei Kosygin Nikolai Tikhonov |
Preceded by | Nikita Khrushchev |
Succeeded by | Yuri Andropov |
In office 7 May 1960 – 15 July 1964 | |
Preceded by | Kliment Voroshilov |
Succeeded by | Anastas Mikoyan |
In office 16 June 1977 – 10 November 1982 | |
Preceded by | Nikolai Podgorny |
Succeeded by | Vasily Kuznetsov (acting) |
Born | 19 December 1906 Kamenskoe, Yekaterinoslav Governorate, Russian Empire |
Died | 10 November 1982 (aged 75) Moscow, Russian SFSR, Soviet Union |
Nationality | Soviet |
Ethnicity | Russian-Ukrainian |
Political party | Communist Party of the Soviet Union |
Spouse(s) | Viktoria Brezhneva |
Profession | Metallurgical Engineer, Civil servant |
Signature | |
Military service | |
Allegiance | Soviet Union |
Service/branch | Ground Forces |
Years of service | 1941–1946 |
Rank | Major General |
Commands | Soviet Armed Forces |
Battles/wars | World War II |
Awards | Marshal of the Soviet Union Gold Star |
Brezhnev was born in Kamenskoe into a Ukrainian workers family. After graduating from the Dniprodzerzhynsk Metallurgical Technicum he became a metallurgical engineer in the iron and steel industry in Ukraine. He joined Komsomol in 1923 and, in 1929, joined the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, playing an active role in the party's affairs. In 1936, he was drafted into compulsory military service and later became a political commissar in a tank factory. In 1939, he was promoted Party Secretary of Dnipropetrovsk, an important military industrial complex. When Nazi Germany invaded the Soviet Union in 1941, he was drafted into immediate military service. During his service, he met Nikita Khrushchev whom he would later succeed as General Secretary. He left the army in 1946 with the rank of Major General and was subsequently promoted to First Secretary of the Communist Party in Dnipropetrovsk.
In 1950, he became deputy of the Supreme Soviet of the Soviet Union, the highest legislative body in the country, and in 1952 became a member of the Central Committee. Brezhnev was appointed to the Presidium (formerly the Politburo) soon after. He became a Khrushchev protégé in government, but eventually orchestrated his overthrow and replaced him as General Secretary in 1964.
As a leader, Brezhnev was a team player, and took care to consult his colleagues before acting, but his attempt to govern without meaningful economic reforms led to a national decline by the mid-1970s. His rule marked by what later became known as the Brezhnev stagnation. A significant increase in military expenditures which by the time of Brezhnev's death stood at approximately 15 percent of the country's GNP, and an increasingly elderly and ineffective leadership set the stage for a dwindling GNP compared to Western nations. It was during this time that the full extent of government corruption became known, but Brezhnev refused to launch any major corruption investigations, claiming that no one lived just on their wages. On November 10, 1982, an ill Brezhnev died, and was quickly succeeded in his post as General Secretary by Yuri Andropov.
While at the helm of the USSR, Brezhnev pushed for détente between the Eastern and Western countries. Brezhnev engaged in increased international trade with non-communist countries, most notably the United States. However, his view on tackling the reformist movement was not flexible, and in 1968 the USSR along with members states of the Warsaw Pact invaded Czechoslovakia. In the invasion's aftermath, the Soviet Union strengthened its hold on Eastern Europe and became tougher in its diplomatic relations abroad, particularly with Third World countries. His last major decision in power was to send Soviet military to Afghanistan in an attempt to save the fragile regime which fought a war against religious extremists.
Brezhnev fostered a cult of personality, although not on the same level seen under Stalin. After his death the next leader of the USSR, Mikhail Gorbachev, denounced his legacy and drove the process of liberalization of the Soviet Union.
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