蔡源煌《從浪漫主義到後現代主義》(1987)
這是用自己的話和讀書報告談些"文學術語" (這在西方已很精細,著名的文學術語專書,從北京大學出版社的,一路都有翻譯、發行:A Glossary of Literary Terms 第4版起: M.H. Abrams)
《從浪漫主義到後現代主義》很難得,編有索引,可惜還不夠全面,譬如說,"浪漫主義" Romanticism,除3~14頁,它處如第103頁等,都談到。
其他如索引缺Thomas的 Mann,第110頁談其《威尼斯之死》末的一場夢,我在漢清講堂的談尼采的《悲劇的誕生》中,已指出有教授認為,該夢,即是談尼采的《悲劇的誕生》。
參考
47:55220 續,尼采「悲劇的誕生」 2018-04-17 漢清講堂
又可參考"續,尼采「悲劇的誕生」:The Bacchae 古希臘作家Euripedes作品《酒神》(Bacchae)"
http://hanchingchung.blogspot.com/2018/06/the-bacchae-euripedesbacchae.html
過去數十年,書中的許多作者和作品,都已有華語的完整翻譯本。換句話說,現在的學子,理論上,對《從浪漫主義到後現代主義》可以有更全面、深入的了解;相對的,真正的"新版"《從浪漫主義到後現代主義》,必須要有大工夫整修。
從浪漫主義到後現代主義:文學術語新詮
Literary Terms and Criticism: From Romanticism to Postmodernism
目錄
****
德國文化首頁>每週課程內容(浪漫主義) |
浪漫主義Romantik(1790-1830) | ||
I. | Romantik 名詞由來- 原指騎士英雄、冒險與戀愛故事中所描寫有關激烈的情緒,或不可能、誇大、不實在的事跡,與合情合理的人生看法相反。 | |
12 世紀法國出現敘事長詩"羅蘭之歌"(roman, sic)後,描述具傳奇色彩的騎士生活之敘事長詩在西班牙、德國(Nibelungenlied)相繼問世。 17世紀「理性主義」開始後,浪漫一詞與空想、誇大、荒謬等字相通,浪漫的作品成為荒誕、不可置信的作品。 |
II. | 背景: | ||
Die Wurzeln der Romantik als geistiger Bewegung reichen bis in die Zeit der Mystik zuruck. Im engeren Sinn hangt sie zusammen mit dem Sturm und Drang und dem Weltbild Herders und ist gleich ein Gegenstos gegen den Rationalismus der Aufklarung。德國的知識份子幻想自由,卻不願亦不可能仿效法國在政治上的革命,乃積極掀起浪漫主義的運動。 | |||
III. | 浪漫主義的訴求: | ||
積極浪漫主義- 企圖加強人的生活抑制,喚起人心對現實一切壓迫的反抗。 | |||
消極浪漫主義-粉飾現實,與現實妥協,或逃避現實,墜入個人內心世界的深淵。 | |||
Heinrich Heine (海涅1797-1856)對德國浪漫主義的定 義:"它是中世紀文藝的復活,一種表現在中世紀 短歌、繪畫與建築物中的文藝生活"。蘭花為德國 浪漫派幻想渴望和嚮往中世紀的象徵。宗教傾向是 德國浪漫主義的特色,基督教的唯靈論是浪漫派的 核心。 | |||
The Wanderer in the Mists,1818,Caspar David Friedrich | |||
德國浪漫派的思想、理論基礎: | |||
1. 康德(I. Kant)與費希特(Fichte)的主觀唯心主義 - 康德既承認物質世界和物自體的存在,物自體是感性認識之源,但又說物自體不能被人認識,人所認識的世界只是對表象的主觀感覺。如果要深刻認識感覺世界。只有靠人的天智,主觀臆造。人的主觀認識不來自客觀事物,而是「人的理性為自然立法。」康德的二元論,即批判哲學的核心所包含的資產階級個性解放、天才、天智和個性尊嚴等對促進浪漫主義具有積極意義。 | |||
2. 謝林(Schelling)的客觀唯心主義 - 試圖以物質與精神統一說否定康德的二元論。「物質當是可見到的精神,精神當是不可見到的物質。」他強調是的精神,人的精神高於自然,且無所不在。德國浪漫派非常推崇他宣揚的人的精神超於一切物質並駕馭一切物質的觀點。 | |||
3. 許賴馬赫(F. Schleiermacher 1768-1834 ) 的浪漫神學- 其神學哲學主張人的生活和心靈的信仰都寄託於上帝,而人要認識和理解上帝並非依賴於智慧和意志,而是依賴於感覺或直覺,其神學教義的主要內容就是相信感覺的神奇力量。 | |||
Ⅳ. | 浪漫主義時期德國文學的發展階段: | ||
早期浪漫派- 以Jena為中心,又稱耶拿派,以Schlegel 兄弟(A. von Schlegel 1767-1845)為主要代表人物。較具哲學與批判意識傾向,接近古典主義,Schlegel 兄弟所出版的代表性刊物”Athenäum”可謂理論基礎。 | |||
中期浪漫派-中期浪漫派因聚會在海德堡,又稱海德堡派。代表人物:它們不如早期浪漫派一般理論性與批判性,然而也比較具創作性。此一時期著重開拓民間文學遺產,作為文學創作的泉源。 | |||
晚期浪漫派- 以柏林為中心,代表人物:Eichendorff, E. T. A. Hoffmann。 | |||
Ⅶ. | 浪漫主義時期藝術創作之特色 | ||
1. 反抗現實;2. 反理性;3. 反權威;4. 崇尚自我; 5. 追求理想;擁抱大自然。 | |||
浪漫派是重視情感,把色彩看是繪畫的生命,古典主義重視的素描的正確性被放在一邊。同時放蕩不羈的畫法與古典主義的調和與理智是完全不同的。 | |||
德拉克洛窪 (Delacroix 1791-1863) 其色彩法其實多少受到透納等英國風景畫家的影響,他又影響了後來的印象派畫家,他的代表傑作,無一不是充滿強烈的色彩及燃燒的熱情,高呼繪畫的自由與解放。 | |||
Liberty Leading the People, 1830,Delacroix | |||
哥雅 (Goya 1746-1828) 哥雅喜歡畫一些生死關頭的場面,色彩及光線的明暗效果處理得當,往往能扣人心弦。他的作品愈到晚期,由於目睹戰爭的殘酷,變得愈加尖刻、嘲弄、冷酷、陰森,有如夢魘般的恐怖。他認為在自然界裡沒有線條,只有在空間上顯出明、暗、前、後的色面,他這種觀念,對於後來的印象派,無疑是有點影響。 |
寂寞的群眾--變化中的美國民族性格The lonely crowd作者:黎士曼等著譯者:蔡源煌譯出版社:桂冠語言:繁體中文 ISBN:9575513002
翻翻這本20多年前的書
才知道採用M. Weber 的 ideal type方式
這本書竟然是齊邦媛老師介紹給譯者的
The lonely crowd: a study of the changing American character
David Riesman, Nathan Glazer, Reuel Denney
17 Reviews
Yale University Press, 2001 - Psychology - 315 pages
The Lonely Crowd is considered by many to be the most influential book of the twentieth century. Its now-classic analysis of the "new middle class" in terms of inner-directed and other-directed social character opened exciting new dimensions in our understanding of the psychological, political, and economic problems that confront the individual in contemporary American society. The 1969 abridged and revised edition of the book is now reissued with a new foreword by Todd Gitlin that explains why the book is still relevant to our own era.« Less
The Lonely Crowd
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
The Lonely Crowd is a 1950 sociological analysis by David Riesman, Nathan Glazer, and Reuel Denney. It is considered—along with White Collar: The American Middle Classes, written by Riesman's friend and colleague C. Wright Mills -- to be a landmark study of Americancharacter.[1]
[edit]Description
Riesman, et al. identify and analyze three main cultural types: tradition-directed, inner-directed, and other-directed. They trace the evolution of society from a tradition-directed culture—one that moved in a direction defined by preceding generations. Tradition-directed social types obeyed rules established a long time in the past, and rarely succeeded in modern society, with its dynamic changes.[page needed]
This earliest social type was succeeded by people who were inner-directed. They discovered the potential within themselves to live and act not according to established norms, but based on what they discovered using their own inner gyroscope. Inner-directed people live as adults what they learned in childhood, and tend to be confident, sometimes rigid.
After the Industrial Revolution in America had succeeded in developing a middle-class state, institutions that had flourished within the tradition-directed and the inner-directed social framework became secondary to daily life. Instead of living according to traditions, or conforming to the values of organized religion, of the family, or societal codes, the new middle class gradually adopted a malleability in the way people lived with each other. The increasing ability to consume goods and afford material abundance was accompanied by a shift away from tradition or inner-directedness. How to define one's self became a function of the way others lived.
Gradually an other-direction took hold, that is, the social forces of how others were living -what they consumed, what they did with their time, what their views were toward politics, work, play, and so on. Riesman and his researchers found that other-directed people were flexible and willing to accommodate others to gain approval. Because large organizations preferred this type of personality, it became indispensable to the institutions that thrived with the growth of industry in America.
As Riesman wrote, "The other-directed person wants to be loved rather than esteemed", not necessarily to control others but to relate to them. Those who are other-directed need assurance that they are emotionally in tune with others.
By the 1940s, the other-directed character was beginning to dominate society. Today the triumph of this type of social personality is complete. If one applies the other-direction criteria to everyday actors as portrayed in modern culture, for example, Death of a Salesman orHow to Succeed in Business Without Really Trying, or the classic How to Win Friends and Influence People, the other-directed person is easy to identify.
This defined the middle class that no longer had the material need to cling to past life standards to form a cohesive society. But since the other-directed could only identify themselves through references to others in their communities (and what they earned, owned, consumed, believed in) they inherently were restricted in their ability to know themselves.
Riesman's book argues that although other-directed individuals are crucial for the smooth functioning of the modern organization, the value of autonomy is compromised. The Lonely Crowd also argues that society dominated by the other-directed faces has profound deficiencies in leadership, individual self-knowledge, and human potential.
Riesman and his co-authors (Nathan Glazer and Reuel Denney) did not come up with the title; the publisher did.
[edit]References^ Gitlin, Todd (May 24, 2002). "David Riesman, Thoughtful Pragmatist". The Chronicle of Higher Education. Retrieved 2006-11-29.
[edit]External linksFulford, Robert (July 3, 2002). "The Lonely Crowd (review)". The National Post. Retrieved 2006-11-29.
David Riesman, Nathan Glazer, Reuel Denney (2001). The lonely crowd: a study of the changing American character. Yale University Press. ISBN 9780300088656. (reprint)
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